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This page is graphically intense with long load times due to photos. However, the photos and narratives by the men who served at Osan Air Base makes the wait well worthwhile. The opinions expressed are those of the author and in no way represents any official statement of Osan AB or the USAF. 
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Acknowledgement: Special thanks to Jack Terwiel, Capt, USAF (Ret) of the Osan Retired Activities Office for photos of base (past and present) -- Dan Klopten, Robert Furrer, Robert Evilsizor, Ron Freedman, Harry Tezlaf and Ken Shallenbarger. Special thanks to Jackie Turner, 7th AF Historian, and John Okonski, 51st FW Historian, for their assistance with photos and guidance on the history of Osan AB. Thanks to Curly Knepp, Maj, USAF (Ret) for his photos and direction in uncovering the history of the area. Thanks to Don Tomajan for his comments, photos and assistance on the EAB history in 1952-1954. Thanks to Bob Spiwak for his narratives and photos of life at Osan AB in 1953. Special thanks to Mr. Oh Sun-soo, Victoria Hotel, for his information on the early development of Songtan. Special thanks to Mr. Jim Price, AIG Insurance, for his sharing of his experiences during his long residence in Songtan. Special thanks to Mr. Yi Kyong Chu, Kasey Lee's Tailors, for his help and guidance in assembling this history. Thanks to Mr. Kim Sang-do, Electronic Repair Shop, and Mr. Jeong Tae-ho, Young Chon Hotel, for their help in providing information of the early days of the Young Chon Alley area. Thanks to Mr. Son Kwang-chil, Hanyang Kalbi, and Mr. Yi N.K, Korea Hotel, for providing information of the early days of the Milwal-dong area. Special thanks to Ms. Jin Dal-lae and other staff members of the Jisan-dong Ward Office for taking the time to research and provide historical materials on Songtan and Pyongtaek City. Thanks to the Shinjang 1-dong Ward Office for taking time to provide information on the roads in the area. Thanks to the Seojong-dong Ward Office staff and Chief of the ward Office, Choi Yun-su, for their help in providing maps to unravel the confusing boundary issues. Much of the information on Pyongtaek City and the Songtan area was extracted from the Pyeongtaek City History, Pyeongtaek Si Sa. Thanks to the Songbuk Elementary School for permission to use their photos from their private collection.  View of Osan AB (USAF Photo) THIS IS A WORK IN-PROGRESS AND FACTS ARE BEING ADDED/DELETED DURING THIS PROCESS. THIS IS NOT A COMPLETED HISTORY.AMERICAN OFF-BASE BAR CULTURE IN SHINJANG AREAThe first "bar row" was the Namsan village at the base of Hill 170 before the Hill 180 Main Gate was opened. A clap-trap bar advertising "ice cold beer" and working girls were located there. The village was located in the "dimple" area of Hill 170 off-base. This off-base area was abandoned as a "bar row" when the Main Gate at Hill 180 opened.This is now the Namsan Village area in Shinjang 1(il)-dong area in the "dimple area" of Hill 170 next to the Bravo Gate. There was a perimeter fence around Hill 170 dividing the village from the hill but access was through the rail spur area. After the Main Gate on Hill 180 opened in 1954, this area's "bar row" was abandoned and the area reverted to being sparsely populated with farm houses.   (L) Black Market Mamasans outside Compound Fence (1953) (Bob Spiwak) (R) Getting a beer in Village (Namsan Village area) (1953) (Bob Spiwak)
 Local Working Girls in Namsan Village area (1953) (Bob Spiwak)
 In Namsan-ni Village (1953) (Bob Spiwak) (NOTE: Sign for 24-hour service from Jaeil Photo Shop. Left is country house converted into restaurant. Items under sign include Korean-style desks so these items are for sale.) On the other side of the base at Hill 180 to the west, the Hill 180 gate opened and immediately Makum-ni became a center of prostitution -- frequented mostly by the Army anti-aircraft personnel situated on the top of Hill 180. Makum-ni was at the base of a sharp incline if one turned right as one exited the Hill 180 gate. Ron Freedman of Punta Gorda FL was a 2nd Lt. with the 398th AAA AW Bn at K55. He stated, "There was a village called Makum-ni down the bottom of the hill on the west side. It was filled with prostitutes, and we had a terrible time keeping the GI's out of it. Our CO told us that we had the highest VD rate in all of Korea." (SITE NOTE: Though Lt. Freedman's battery was on Hill 170, he was referring to the main anti-aircraft batteries stationed at the highest point on base near the top of Hill 180. (Source: Ed McManus email, 13 July 2005 statement "Additionally an anti-aircraft outfit moved in and wanted the top of (Hill) 180 for gun positions and their battery areas.") This area would be turned over to the ROKAF Air Defense elements after the Korean War.)   (L) Hill 180 Gate (now closed) (R) View of Makum-ni area from the Hill 180 Gate (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)
If you turned left as you exited the Hill 180 Gate, there were huddles of low-houses for those who had found employment on base. It was said that many North Korean refugees -- mostly from the Hwanghae-do area -- attracted to Osan AB by the promise of work clustered in this area for mutual protection and support. The dirt path followed the perimeter of the base until it came to Milwal-dong road then down the hill to the Main Gate.
 Hideaway Club (1958) (Don Klopten) Cal Collier of Lincoln, CA wrote in Dec 2005, "The bars and dance halls were our main source of intertainment and being 19 at the time I (and most or all of my friends) took advantage of the services the local "business girls" offered. It was $2 for a short time and $5 for all night or for $30 a month anytime day or night for all month. Since I worked shifts I had a deal worked out with a local mamason where I could stay all day for $3. You could leave your watch or some other valuable if you were broke and redeem it payday. Most of us caught the clap at least once. But not me (wink, wink). There was a korean VD clinic on every block back then and they had sighs out front advertising their business. I don't think the GI used them though." By the 1960s, houses were spreading around the base of Hill 180. The Milwal-dong area -- where the Capitol Hotel is now -- was still simply a wide dirt path up the hill that veered right onto a small dirt path that continued around the base of Hill 180 until the Hill 180 gate. The houses in the area were all tightly packed but were now spreading down the slopes instead of just along the perimeter. Makum-ni continued in operation as a brothel area, but the trade was moving to the Shinjang area and it was slowly returning to a farming community. A tiny road from the Hill 180 Gate now connected to the road to Anjung and Seojong-ni Station (Rte 340).   After this period in 1962-63 when the area became Songtan-eup or Songtan Town, the American use of the term "Chicoville" (Chicol Village) disappears and the term "Songtan" is substituted to represent the area from then on. One can see that the mechanics were in the works to create the legalized "kijich'on" (camptown) system. In June 1962, by joint action, the Ministries of Justice, Interior, and Social Welfare and related agencies established 104 "special districts" of prostitution. In this way, the American "camptowns" could be classified as "special tourism zones" which were off-limits to Koreans. At the same time, the red-light districts were off-limits to the Americans. The cultures were separated in the chase for the almighty dollar. At the time, the major source of foreign currency exchange for Korea came from the American soldiers spending their paychecks downtown. During this time, the prostitutes of Korea were praised by the Park Chung-hee regime for their actions to bring in much needed foreign exchange. Through the use of tax incentives such as tax-free beer purchases, the bars were encouraged to locate within the Special Tourism area in Shinjang. Though prostitution had been illegal in Korea since 1949, the law had never been enforced. In 1962, instead of enforcing the law, the ROK regulate it by setting up 70 red-light districts for the Koreans while creating "Special Tourist Zones" for American camptowns. According to Oh Sun-soo, the Songwang-ni area near -- where the Songshin Elementary School and Taegwang Middle-High School of Shinjang-2 dong are now -- was the original area for business growth in the 1960s. Eventually this growth would spread to the small Jungang Open Market. Even today one notices that the old furniture and hardware shops are located in this area. At the same time, the growth had spread to the the MSR-1 area in Songbuk-dong and the growth of the Songbuk-dong Open Market. The Jaeil Movie Theater opened two blocks down from the intercity bus station along MSR-1. Later the larger Jungang Movie Theater opened at the top of the Milwal-dong hill -- where the Capital Hotel is now -- next to the one engine fire station. A police box was set up at the end of the intersection of the Mokcheon road and the Tanhyeon Road (original MSR-1) -- across from the Songbuk Farmers' Open Market. The center of activity was now in the Shinjang area. However, in the 1960s, racial tensions grew and bars became segregated. There were black and white bar rows. The Shinjang Mall area was a white-only bar area and the area just past the Terminal Ridge Road was where there were black-only bars. This area was also known as "Kyotongdae" -- and the Jwa-dong was applied to the area further down. (Source: Verbal conversation with Kwon Oh-hoon, 23 Aug 2005.) Originally the name "Sutkogae" was applied to the entire rise area from near the farmers market to the Jisan Park area along Jisan Road (Jwa-dong Road). However, by the mid-1960s, "Sutkogae" was applied to an area across the railroad tracks from the Terminal Ridge Road down Jwa-dong Road (MSR-1). (NOTE: The Shinjang Road overpass was not built at that time.) In this area there were strictly black-only bars (such as Papa Joe's), while the "Chicoville" area became a whites-only area. The "Sutkogae" area also was known as an area of brothels. (Source: Verbal conversation with Oh Sun-soo, 21 Jul 2005.)   (L) Hilltop Club located near the Young Chon Hotel. (Circa 1977) (51st FW Archives); (R) Papa Joe's -- a black club that relocated back to Shinjang area from Sutkogae area. (1977) (Harry Tezlaf) In the 1970s there was a rise in racial tensions between blacks and whites in the military -- reflecting the racial tensions experienced throughout America. There were "race riots" between blacks and whites and blacks and Koreans in the K-6 Camp Humphreys area in Anjeong-ni as well as in other Army garrisons/camps throughout the peninsula. On many occasions, the town of Anjeong-ni was placed off-limits. Because of the racial tensions, the "Sutgoge" area was closed down -- by the levying of base off-limits sanctions -- and the larger "black" bars relocated to the Shinjang mall area. It was not until the late 1980s that the racial tensions subsided. Racial tension between blacks and whites became a problem -- as it was throughout America and the military worldwide. On Martin Luther King's birthday in 1971, 300 soldiers marched peacefully in Camp Stanley -- but the point was that the blacks felt that they were being denied promotion and equal treatment. Racial incidents increased. In June 1971 a riot in Itaewon left 13 injured and area was placed off-limits. Camp Humphreys had a race riot in April 1971. On 13 Apr 1971 after three days of racial incidents in Anjong-ni village outside of Camp Humphreys end as the village was temporarily put off limits. Several US soldiers were arrested on charges of arson and larceny. (Source: The US Military Experience in Korea 1871-1982, p148, Command Historian's Office, USFK/EUSA) Offbase, Korea had a history of problems between minority soldiers and Koreans in the past. The tensions between black and white servicemen increased, spread through various camp areas in Korea, and exploded on the weekend of July 9, 1971, in the village of Anjongni. The village of Anjong-ni outside Camp Humphreys was placed off-limits after the riot between Americans and ROK citizens. Ironically, 400 bar hostess protested the off-limits as they could not make a living. Anjong-ni was placed back on limits in August 1971. (Source: 8th Army Chronology) (NOTE: A Pentagon study revealed that the 2d ID had a greater ratio of blacks, 30.1 percent, than any other active Army division. It was reported that blacks considered Korea a good country with very little racial prejudice. The study also showed that blacks comprised 31.7 percent of all firts term reenlistments, and that black strength in the Army rose from 17 to 22 percent between 1 Jul 72 and 1 Jan 75. (Source: 8th Army 1975 Chronological History.) The once all-white Shinjang Mall bar area was "integrated" under threat of off-limits sanctions. However, even though "integrated" clubs were the rule, African-American soldiers were often "guided" to tables or certain areas of the club. The Shinjang bar owners did this in an attempt to prevent racial incidents that might place their establishments off-limits. After such bars as Papa Joe's had relocated to the Shinjang Mall area, there were periodic incidents of violence -- mostly blamed on soldiers stationed outside of the Osan AB area. The Osan AB answer to the race problems was to pass the baton to the Osan AB "Social Actions" staff and initiate "training" programs. The catch-all "Affirmative Actions" and "Equal Employment Opportunity" programs were aimed to be the cure-all to the social ills reflected in American society in general. However, the success of these programs are still debated 30 years later.  Town Patrol in Shinjang area (1977) (USAF Photo) In the 1980s, the Miracle of the Han arrived in the Songtan area. There was an upheaval as the Korean standard of living improved and massive changes were made in the local area with the reclamation project of Jisan-dong, the rerouting of Route 1 in 1985 and the rapid growth in the Seojong-ni area. The ground work was being laid for the start of the industrial parks in the area. The first step was the building of housing for the expected influx of workers and improvement of the highway infrastructure. All of these changes started to isolate the Shinjang area economy based on a tourism base, from the rest of the community that was expanding as factories moved into the area. Suddenly the once separate Seojong-ni area began to meld into the Jisan-dong area with small 3-story apartment buildings filling the area near the railroad tracks. In the boundary area, a small Korean bar row sprouted up to cater to the new population moving into the area. The bar area of Shinjang (commonly referred to by the Americans as Songtan) remained static with small improvements in the cosmetics of the area, but it remained isolated from the rest of the community. What had once been a community isolated from the rest of the Songtan area, now started to feel the pinch as new businesses and shops started to crowd in around the Shinjang area. (NOTE: A misimpression by Americans of the times was that the bars made money off of the prostitutes when in fact, the beer sales was major profit-maker for the bars. The women were the come-on to attract the soldiers and airmen to the bars. It was not until the 1990s that the bar-owners got into a confrontation with the base authorities when they actively participated in the promotion of prostitution under the "bar-fine" system.) By the 1990s, the Korean bar girls no longer were attracted to the "cheap trade" of the American camptowns. A Korean bar girl could earn up to five times as much at a Korean bar. The Miracle of the Han arrived in Korea and everything grew more expensive -- at the same time, the bars of Songtan was experiencing a shortage of Korean bargirls. Those girls that remained were rapidly aging and the bar owners were faced with a dilemma as the axiom of bar life is "no pretty girls -- no customers." The economic reality was that the Korean bar girls had priced themselves out of the market of the camptown bars like Songtan. A Korean bar girl could earn twice as much in a Korean bar where Korean males were well-known to be high spenders. In comparison, the GI's paycheck was dwindling in comparison to the Korean and he became the "Cheap Charlie" instead of "rich GI" of years past.   (L) Shinjang Mall bar (Circa 1990) (R) Town Patrol in Shinhang Mall area (Circa 1990) Though the Shinjang Mall was the upscale end of the camptown bars on the peninsula, it was still not a match for the Korean trade. The Korean sex trade amounts to between an estimated 2.4 percent - 4 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). (See A-town and Prostitution for discussion and historical background on the camptown and Korean sex industry.) The bottom line for the Shinjang area bars was that their Korean bar girls were rapidly aging and the bar owners were finding it harder and harder to attract replacements. In the early 1990s, the bar owners started to use Russians who had set up operations in Pusan in 1990s. Songtan faired better than other camptown areas because many soldiers and airmen from around the peninsula were attracted to Osan on the weekends. However, it was still caught in a trap with the lack of bar girls. It found its answer in the hiring of bar girls from Though Songtan faired better than other areas because many GIs from bases like Kunsan AB were attracted to Osan on the weekends, it was still caught in a trap. It found its answer in the hiring of bar girls from Russia and the Philippines -- the Russians for their white skin and the Filipinas for their English speaking ability. At first the bar owners attempted to treat these foreign bar girls as Korean bar girls, but there were too many cultural problems. The cost of importing these girls required upfront money placing a further financial burden on the bar owners.  Shinjang Mall (2001) (Curley Knepp) The Russian women (Russia, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Moldova) appeared in the Korean bars first and then the Songtan bars joined in importing these women. The Russians had already established their presence in Pusan with the taking over of the "Little Texas" area -- and also the appearance of the Russian "mafia" in the area as well. The Filipinas came next and were preferred as they spoke English. By Aug 1999, the Pyeongtaek area had 21 towns employing these foreign "entertainers" for a total of 343 persons.  Russian girls at a Birthday Party (2002) (Songtan Yahoo Group) Pyeongtaek Police reported problems with these women due to communication difficulties -- in that they could not speak Korean and were frequently caught in unlawful acts. The Korean police started getting complaints about these foreign women as they failed to pay their bills and created disturbances due their being drunk and disorderly in public. During Team Spirit, these women also "disappeared" from the bars with their new-found American boyfriends -- creating a runaway illegal alien problem involving the Immigration authorities. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.")   (L) Anna at Golden Gate (2002) (Unknown); (R) Filipinas in the Mall (2002) (Unknown) It was at this point the bar owners increased the going rate for sex services to bring the camptown rates for sex (prostitution fees) more in line with what was paid in the Korean bars. This is where the Korean Bar Owners Association turned from being bar owners into brothel managers. The old use of bar fines to offset the loss of income for a girl who left early became an open "ticket" for prostitution. The scene was being set up for a disastrous confrontation. (See A-town and Prostitution for details on this sordid area.) In 2001, the 9/11 attack by Al Quaida in New York City created problems in Korea for the Shinjang bars as "force protection" became the watchword for the Town Patrol. Permitting backpacks into bars was enough to place a bar off-limits. The tightened security placed a damper on the operations of the bar row for a while, but it soon returned to normal.  Filipinas in Songtan Bar (2004) (Songtan After Dark) Then in 2002, the foreign bar girls became the center of a human trafficking scandal that rocked the USFK. In July 2002, a FOX affiliate released an expose on the seedier side of life in Songtan and Euijongbu. The accusation was made that the Town Patrols knowingly permitted human trafficking -- if not abetting the act. Whether justified or not, the USFK was placed under a magnifying glass and General LaPorte forced to testify before Congress as how the USFK was going to "solve" the problem. However, the USFK had no control over "fixing" the problem as the ROK had been identified as a MAJOR human trafficker by international human rights organizations. The ROK allowed the entry of the foreign "entertainers" on E-6 visas -- and continued to do so even after some countries requested that it stop doing so. (See A-town and Prostitution for details on this sordid area.) In 2003, the 51st FW Commander launched an anti-prostitution campaign using "force protection" as the basis for setting curfews and off-limits sanctions on many businesses. Throughout Korea in the USFK camptowns from Itaewon to Uijongbu to Songtan, many small bars were forced into bankruptcy because their businesses were crippled by constant off-limits actions.  Russian Dancer at Road House in Osan (2003) (Unknown) In about July 2004, the ROK Immigration moved to evict the Russian element from Korean "camptowns" because of the ever increasing international pressure over prostitution and human trafficking. In addition there was growing evidence that the Russian gangs were moving into Korea for extortion and prostitution. (NOTE: The Russia "mafia" operated out of Pusan in a section previously known as Little Texas where the bars signs are written in Cryllic (Russian).) However, the Filipina bar girl population simply increased to offset the loss of the Russians.  Opera Club in evening viewed from Rodeo Alley (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) By Sept 2004, the Russian element was gone -- though there were rumors that some Russians girls had run away instead of being deported. This was a prelude to the Korean anti-Prostitution campaign that the ROK government kicked off in Sept 2004. Though the Philippines had asked for a restriction of the E-6 visas for "entertainers," it has almost half-heartedly pressed the matter. Instead, it set up legal assistance for those Filipina "entertainers" who claimed to have been abused. After the Russians were evicted, the Wing Commander attempted a different tactic in trying to prevent the Filipinas from dancing (if in violation of their contracts -- which most are). Under the new ROK law a mandatory three-year prison sentence for anyone convicted of engaging in human trafficking for the sex trade. Members of organized crime would get a minimum of five years. Another new law offers rewards of 20 million won (around $17,000) for information leading to the conviction of human traffickers. Another provision lets the government confiscate all proceeds and property earned through the illegal sex trade. An additional new wrinkle would differentiate legally between women involuntarily in the sex trade (who would be classified as victims) and those who are determined to voluntarily sell sex (who would be punished as criminals). However, most Koreans look upon these new laws with skepticism as the "crackdown" in Sept 2004 will simply give way to "enforcement" in Oct 2004. In the past, it meant no action unless the spotlight is focused on the problem. (SITE NOTE: In 2005 on the one-year anniversary of the "crackdown," the press published the results that more arrests were made in the one month "crackdown" than in the whole year that followed. The police said that was because the amounts of brothels in the red-light districts have decreased. What they don't say was that the brothels went underground and moved into the residential areas where they are harder to track and regulate. You draw your own conclusions.) The move to shut down the sex industry that is estimated to account for 2.4 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was a tall order. (NOTE: Other ROK reports state that it is 4.0 percent of GDP -- about $22 billion annually.) By October, ancillary businesses relying on the sex trade (beauty shops, restaurants, saunas, hotels) were failing and 10,000 prostitutes were in the streets staging protests nationwide. The whole crackdown was a fiasco as in the end the Korean National Police had to pay informants in order to make arrests. For all the turmoil, the results were an embarassment. (See A-town and Prostitution for details on the ROK anti-prostitution campaign.) The following is from Robert Koehler (The Marmot) at Marmot's Hole on 23 Sep 2004, detailing the new legislation and offering some insightful commentary. Starting Wednesday night, beefed-up anti-prostitution laws will take affect in the Republic of Korea. By just about any standard, the current anti-prostitution law — the 1961 Prostitution Prevention Law (Korean: Yullak haengwi deung bangji-beop) — has abysmally failed to do what it was ostensibly intended to do, namely, stop prostitution. Accordingly, two new laws — the Sex Trade Middleman Punishment Law and Sex Trade Victim Protection Law — were enacted. The Joongang Ilbo (Korean) outlined some of the changes that are expected (?) to take place:In Nov 2004, the DoD announced that it was pushing for a new change to the UCMJ that would make solicitation for prostitution a court martial offense. In Dec 2004, it was submitted for judiciary review -- and nothing has been heard of this vaunted change to the UCMJ since May 2005. (Source: Article.) In Jan 2005, the USFK launched a "zero-tolerance" policy dealing with human trafficking and prostitution. The 51st FW Commander pressed forward with his anti-prostitution campaign using an unpopular curfew for civilians under the guise of "force protection." After a furor, the curfew was lifted for civilians, but the head-on confrontation between the base and the bar owners continued. (SITE NOTE: Our opinion is that the USFK has mixed up the political issue of human trafficking with the moral issue of prostitution. However, the problem we see with the USFK actions is that the US has NOT taken action to remedy its problems within America, but then starts attempting to enforce its political agenda on human trafficking through the soldiers abroad. The USFK leadership is trapped politically into this policy.)  My House (2003) (Unknown)   (L) Paradise Club near the Young Chon Hotel (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (R) Station Club and Aloha Club in Aragon Alley (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (NOTE: Korea Hotel at end of alley on right)  Stereo Club (2003) (Unknown) (NOTE: The Stereo Club is one of the oldest clubs on the strip...as the name implies, "stereo" is a term from the 1960s. The building to the left was a 1960s structure behind the facade and was demolished in 2005.) In Mar 2005, ten members of the town patrol were placed under investigation over allegations of shaking down the bar owners. The Osan AB authorities received a major black-eye from the negative press stemming from this incident. 1st Lt. Jason D. Davis of the 51st Security Forces Squadron was incarcerated based upon a tip-off from his former Korean girlfriend -- who happened to be related to a family whose bar was placed off-limits by the base. As of mid-2005, the base backed off on the prosecution of its anti-prostitution campaign until the Shakedown Incident blew over. (SITE NOTE: Lt. Jason was the selected "fall guy" as he was the one in charge and instigated the "stings." However, the enlisted men who were involved in these "stings" received immunity for their testimony -- and other officers who knew of the situation, but said nothing, were similarly granted immunity and reassigned. You draw your own conclusions about the strength of the prosecution's case that was instigated by a KOREAN informant -- and NOT the OSI who were incredulously blind to the whole situation.) At the same time, the Shinjang Mall area Chamber of Commerce was attempting to clean up the area's image of being involved in the sex-trade and is working to promote itself as a Mecca for bargain-hunters and a tourism site. In 1997, the area was named as a Special Tourism Zone with much fanfare. Though the IMF Crisis of the same year dampened the spirits of the drive temporarily, the business community is once again attempting to promote the mall area as a first-class shopping experience -- while minimizing the publicity of the bar culture aspects of the Shinjang Mall. However, realistically the bar culture predominates the Shinjang Mall experience even today. SITE NOTE: FOR AN EXCELLENT PHOTO TOUR OF THE BARS IN THE SHINJANG AREA, GO TO THE RETIRED ACTIVITIES OFFICE (RAO) SITE BY JACK TIERWELL. THE SLIDE PRESENTATIONS DOES THE WALKING FOR YOU. GO TO RAO: TOUR THE BARS.  Songtan at Night (2005) (Unknown)
The following is from Frank Schreier's Songtan Site:
Songtan is known for its numerous small shops and open air markets. Seoul also offers a variety of shopping areas such as East Gate (Tongdaemun), South Gate (Namdaemun), I'taewon, Lotte Shopping Center, and many others. Ready made clothing, leather products, eel skin, purses, luggage, and brass are a good buy in Korea. American styles and sizes are available in communities surrounding most military bases. Jeans, T-shirts, sweaters, jackets, and athletic shoes are often sold at good prices. Many of the "name brands" are counterfeit; others are seconds. A few are merely factory overruns of legitimate items.Club list On the Main Street/On Aragon Alley /On Yong-chon & Market Alley/On New Street (Toward the Overpass) On the Main Street (Shin-jang Shopping Mall)
On Aragon Alley
On Yong-chon & Market Alley
On New Street (Toward the Overpass)
The following are from the USFK Forums.com by Mike Silvia. They give a good overview of the bars and how the Filipinas now rule the roost on the Mall bars. The Russians were evicted in 2004 -- though some remain -- and Korean bargirls are the minority. OsanGuide.com also by Mike Silvia contains reviews of the bars.
USFK Starts its Zero-tolerance on Prostitution and Human Trafficking in Earnest -- Amidst Much Controversy (Jan 2005 -- On-going)SITE OPINION: Our opinion is that the USFK was cornered into its Zero-tolerance policy as a result of the politics of the US Congress. When the spotlight was turned on the USFK in Apr 2002 as a result of allegations of the USFK fostering human trafficking, the DoD -- then involved in delicate FOTA (Future of the Alliance) negotiations with the ROK -- remained silent to the fact that the ROK had been previously identified by the US State Department as a human trafficker. The Congress, DOD and State Department allowed the USFK to take the heat in the press without saying a word. The ROK simply remained silent since the spotlight deflected attention away from its human rights violations, human trafficking abuses and fostering of prostitution in 70 government sanctioned red-light districts throughout the country. The real culprit was the ROK who permitted human trafficking with its E-6 entertainer visas and its actions to turn a blind eye to the abuses throughout the country. Gen LaPorte was "trapped" into promising to take "aggressive action" after the newspapers zeroed in on the USFK. The USFK was crucified in the press could not fight back -- and as good soldiers, it saluted and took the shaft for the ROK's problem while the DOD and State Department simply allowed the USFK to be hung out to dry.BACKGROUND: An April 2002 report by a Fox News affiliate alleged U.S. military members and military police patrols were patronizing bars in South Korea where women from the Philippines and Russia had been forced into the sex trade. In response, the Helsinki Commission chairman, Rep. Christopher Smith, R-N.J., and 12 other members of Congress requested an immediate Pentagon investigation. This started the ball rolling. Investigator Joseph E. Schmitz found that military patrols were sometimes overly friendly with bar owners and often didn't report cases of sex slavery and prostitution because of a misperception that they could only report them if they had hard evidence. The report said that because of this misperception, "commanders sometimes did not take the necessary steps to place establishments off-limits." It recommended more education to help U.S. troops identify possible instances of human trafficking. After July 2002, every newspaper in the world had jumped on the bandwagon to condemn the US military. The US military was a "soft target" that couldn't fight back and the human rights activists cornered the military -- especially after revelations of UN peace keepers also engaging in sex in Bosnia and Serbia. Then came the rape scandals at the military academies and accusations of sexual assaults and rapes in the military. The die was cast. The military testified before Congress that it was working to improve the situation. USFK officials said they had embarked on an aggressive program to combat the sex trade and human trafficking. Among other initiatives: increasing both uniformed and nonuniformed patrols in known sex-trade enclaves; putting suspect establishments and even entire neighborhoods on "off limits" lists; and creating a human trafficking hotline for servicemembers to report suspected cases. ROK Civic NGO activists in 2005 stated that all the preceeding were examples of do-nothing "eyewash" and the situation had NOT improved.  Shinjang Mall bars in the summer (2005) (Pyeongtaek Times) The problem with the USFK stance was that it really was NOT the culprit. The situation of human trafficking in the bars was a result of the ROK policy to grant E-6 entertainer visas in order to promote the sex industry in Korea. Korea was identified as a MAJOR trafficker in human flesh by international Human Rights groups. It had "regulated" prostitution in the redlight districts and "special tourism zones" (camptowns) since the 1960s -- though prostitution was prohibited by law since 1948. The sad thing is that the US State Department had published their findings on Korea being in the "tier 3" of countries in non-compliance with the US anti-trafficking law. Korea had already been identified as the culprit by our own government BEFORE the sensationalism in 2002. South Korea is a country of origin and transit for trafficking in persons. Young female Koreans are trafficked primarily for sexual exploitation mainly to the United States, but also to other Western countries and Japan. Female aliens from many countries, primarily Chinese women are trafficked through Korea to the United States and many other parts of the world. In addition to trafficking through the air, much transit traffic occurs in South Korean territorial waterways by ship.While the USFK was being fried in the press, the ROK government and the US State Department remained silent as the USFK took the heat for a situation that the ROK had created and the US State Department had previously identified. It was a political trap for the USFK. The USFK could not condemn its ROK "ally" because the touchy political negotiations on the ROK-US alliance were underway. When the spotlight was again refocused on ROK in late 2003, the ROK passed a much-lauded, but non-enforcable anti-prostitution law and launched a one-month crackdown on the red-light districts in Sep 2004. In mid-2004, the DoD announced that a new Article 134 was coming out that would make solicitation punishable with a dishonorable discharge and up to 1 year in prison. The USFK anticipated the drafted Article 134 of the UCMJ would become military law early in 2005. It was part of the 2004 annual review of proposed amendments to the Manual for Courts-Martial was undergoing the mandatory 60-day public notice and comment period after being published in the Federal Register. After that mid-2004 announcement, nothing more has been heard of it. In early Nov 2004, AFN (Korea) broadcast the message from USFK Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen Campbell, that sent out the message loud and clear. The USFK has a ZERO TOLERANCE POLICY on human trafficking which "degrades human dignity." In his words, it was IMMORAL, DEGRADING and ILLEGAL. He stated it was a "worldwide problem" -- however, he said it "undermines our nation." The message is that the USFK is taking a hardline on the issue of prostitution -- and logic or questioning would not change the outcome. The decision had been made -- and that was it. He was parroting Gen LaPorte's words that it was "dehumanizing, demoralizing and illegal" who in turn was parroting President Bush' statements on human trafficking. The policy was coming down from the highest levels. The State Department estimates that about 4 million victims, mostly women and children, are taken each year and sold into the sex trade or forced labor. About 50,000 are trafficked into the United States, mainly from Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Latin America and Southeast Asia. Instead of fixing America's problem, the US military overseas was targeted. Gen Campbell went on to state that human trafficking was "incompatible with the core values" of the military. The problem was how to translate something as amorphic as "core values" into something that is concrete and punishable under the UCMJ. The hinge pin is the "solicitation of prostitution" which is used to justify action against human trafficking. However, the premise must be that ALL prostitutes are INVOLUNTARILY trapped in the cycle of prostitution and therefore are victims of human trafficking -- not only the Philippine and Russian bar girls. However, if this was true, then the rallies with thousands of Korean prostitutes in Oct 2004 must have been a trick of the eyes. On 7 October, Agence France-Presse ("South Korean Prostitutes Rally Against Sex Trade Crackdown", 2004-10-07) reported that about 2,800 prostitutes wearing face masks and sunglasses to shield their identities marched on the National Assembly building to protest at the police crackdown on the ROK's sex trade. This was repeated in smaller numbers in various cities nationwide. (See Asia News.) 2005 CAMPAIGN: In 2005, the USFK turned to the use of its curfew policies as a method to control the bars. Gen LaPorte admitted to the punitive actions for curfew violations was an "enforcement tool" against human trafficking in testimony before Congress. "As part of our aggressive, ongoing efforts to curb prostitution and human trafficking in this area, our increased law-enforcement efforts have also resulted in the prosecution of more than 400 servicemen for related offenses, such as curfew violation and trespassing in posted off-limits locations," LaPorte said. Gen. LaPorte said the USFK is "trying to sever any links between the military and sex trafficking," by having military criminal investigators run undercover operations to target businesses involved with prostitution. Establishments in Korea that are suspected of engaging in prostitution or sexual slavery are being placed off-limits to all U.S. troops. Since January 2003, five service members have been disciplined for soliciting prostitution, 398 have been prosecuted for related offenses such as being in an off-limits location or violating curfew, and more than 600 bars, clubs and restaurants have been put off limits, LaPorte said. The anti-prostitution campaign will include an education effort aimed at military leaders and individuals and expressing the Pentagon's "zero tolerance" policy for any involvement with the sex exploitation industry, Abell said. Senior leaders will be given specific instruction about their command responsibilities and how to work with host nations and law enforcement to place establishments off limits. (Source: Prostitution Illegal Under Pending UCMJ Changes and Navy Times, Pentagon to tighten penalties for prostitution-related offenses, Rick Maze 4 Oct 2004.) According to a General Order dated 23 Dec 2004 from Army Gen. Leon J. LaPorte, a curfew was put in effect from midnight until 0500 for all military and DoD civilians within the jurisdiction of USFK. The order prohibited them from movement off-base unless on official business. According to the General Order, signed by USFK Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Charles C. Campbell, "An off-installation curfew is in effect from 0001 to 0500 daily. During these hours, unless conducting official business, service members must be either (1) on a military installation; (2) in a private residence; or (3) in their place of lodging for the evening, which may include a hotel room off the installation." The order was issued to ensure "force protection, safety, good order, discipline, and optimum readiness," explained the USFK website. However, the main point was in Paragraph 5 of the General Order that stated it was a "punitive order" applicable to both those under the jurisdiction of the Uniform Code of Military Justice and civilians under military jurisdiction. It became obvious to many -- especially the DoD civilians -- that "force protection" was only a superficial excuse to wage a campaign aimed at crippling the bars in the "camptowns" such as Songtan, Kunsan's A-town, Itaewon, Uijongbu and Tongduchon. Gen LaPorte reported to Congress in 2004 that "curfew violations" was an "enforcement tool" for dealing with sex trade. In Jan 2005, Yongsan authorities had a meeting with Itaewon bar owners to air their grievances. Among the first issues brought up at the meeting was revising curfew times. Bar owners like Kim Sam-sook, owner of Shooters and Grand Ole Opry bars, claimed the current curfew was starting to affect her business in a very negative way. She and others asked for the time to be extended an additional hour. "This is a life or death situation for us," Kim said. "We must have another hour on the curfew." The midnight curfew, which was one hour shorter than the curfew maintained for most of 2004. But the standard response that came back was: "We (Area II Support Activity) will continue to work with the senior levels (of leadership in USFK) with the curfew issue. Due to current force protection level requirements, the curfew will remain in effect." This same question was asked throughout Korea at all bases/camps and the local bar owners all received the same response. In March 2005, Rep Christopher Smith who started the ball rolling in 2002 on targeting the military was at it again. An article from the Navy/Air Force/Marine Times on 8 Mar 2005 stated that he wanted the Uniform Code of Military Justice amended to include a specific mention of sex trafficking as an offense and wanted the Pentagon to appoint a high-level official to coordinate anti-trafficking policies. However, changing the UCMJ and creating a new Pentagon office on human trafficking are issues under the purview of the House Armed Services Committee -- and NOT under Smith's jurisdiction as head of the House International Relations Committee's panel that oversees global human rights. Many military and civilians started to openly criticize this curfew policy in Letters to the Editor of the Stars and Stripes. It was becoming readily apparent that the "force protection" reasoning for the extended curfew hours could NOT be justified. The USFK claimed it was because the Embassy had issued a terrorist activity warning, while the US Embassy denied such a statement. The curfew was viewed as a thinly veiled excuse to keep the GIs from the bars as part of a USFK "morality" campaign -- NOT as a "force protection" measure. The curfew remained in effect from Sep 2004 - Mar 2005 but was revised supposedly because of the reduced force protection posture. However, it was apparent that the real reason was the mounting public discontent with the curfew from DoD civilians and contractors -- along with the fact that EVERY Congressman got a letter on the situation from the civilians. After the Federal Employees' union at Camp Humphreys filled for "curfew backpay," the curfew for civilians was rescinded soon thereafter. SEE THE NEXT ARTICLE FOR CONTINUATION (Curfew Issue (Apr 2005)). However, the bar owners had already started to fight back in their typical low-key manner. First the beer prices at Uijongbu increased in Jan 2005 -- followed by the rest of Korea camptowns. Next Korean newspaper stories started to appear with derogatory information about the USFK soldiers or base/camp procedures based on "anonymous" sources -- who could only have been individuals involved in the bar trade. Next there were reports that many of the bars in Uijongbu had opened their bars to Koreans after the curfew hours to make up for lost income entailed by income. Then there were assault incidents that occurred in Uijongbu between soldiers and taxi drivers and civilians that made the Korean headlines. Next there was an accident where a woman was jay-walking and run over by a military vehicle whose driver did not see her. An outbreak of anti-Americanism such as in 2002 was feared. The push on the zero-tolerance campaign became low-key in the 2nd ID areas. Then the "poop hit the fan" when a USAF officer in charge of the Osan Town Patrol was arrested and confined at Camp Humphreys for alleged shakedown activities and rape charges. SEE ARTICLE FOR CONTINUATION (Allegations of Town Patrol Shaking Down Songtan Bar Owners (Mar 2005)). For the past three years, only the USFK has actively pursued the prostitution problem -- with other commands simply paying lip service to the problem. Human Rights groups laud Gen Laporte for his aggressive actions to combat human trafficking by his attacks on prostitution in Korea. (See Gen LaPorte's Testimony to Congress on 21 Sep 2004 for background.)  Gen LaPorte and Ambassador Hubbard (27 Nov 2002) Camp Humphreys Anti-Prostitution Campaign (Mar-Oct 2005)Col. Michael J. Taliento, commander of the Area III Support Activity, pursued an aggressive campaign to stop prostitution and human trafficking in the Anjeong-ni area. Then in Mar 2005 the authorities at Camp Humphreys got the bar owners to "agree" to snitch on each other if there was any of them engaged in promoting prostitution. They also promised to fire any employee that engaged in prostitution. This made the headlines in the Stars and Stripes. However, this type of Korean action is something that is completely out of character for ANY Korean which values group cohesiveness as a primary Confucian value. Many suspected it was obtained by coercion -- through heavy-handed threats of off-limits sanctions. The ROK media did not even touch the story. (SITE NOTE: We may not agree with his methods, but we have to admire the Colonel for having the "brass cajones" to stand up and be counted on the Prostitution issue.)After the Shakedown Scandal, the USFK campaign remained low key. Though the Osan and Uijongbu areas actions were muted, at Camp Humphreys, in August 2005 Col. Taliento set up a "sting operation" and sent in an undercover CID person posing as an underage soldier to get drinks at the bars. He then put 12 clubs off-limits in a blanket off-limits sanction. (SITE NOTE: If USFK drinking age policy matched the Korean law, then we wouldn't have a gripe. However, this is an AMERICAN rule being forced onto KOREAN bar owners in the SOVEREIGN COUNTRY OF KOREA. If the USFK wants to enforce its rules off-base, it should provide an ID checker at every on-limits bar in Korea. Of course, this suggestion is ridiculous -- but not any more ridiculous than the US being the Ugly American in shoving its rules down Korean businesses throats left with no other option other than to acquiesce if they want to survive.)The bar owners were faced with financial ruin and bent to Col. Taliento's will -- even though the matter actually dealt with a USFK authority dictating to KOREAN businesses operating on KOREAN soil under KOREAN government regulations that they must enforce USFK policy that is legal under KOREAN law. The merchants opinion is rightly reflected in a flyer put out by the local merchants after the off-limits sanctions. To our valued customers:What really angered the merchants was the blanket off-limits action by Col Taliento. This is an area that anti-American activists quickly pointed out and incorporated into their protests. In reaction to the off-limits sanctions, Kim Ki-ho, president of the Anjeong-ri Merchants Association, said merchants were so angered they hung a banner in the heart of the bar district to protest the move. "Commander Michael J. Taliento Jr., You go back to Afghanistan again," the banner read. Taliento served in Afghanistan before taking command of the Area III Support Activity at Camp Humphreys in June 2004. (Source: Stars and Stripes, 18 Aug 2005) He was NOT viewed as a friend in the local community -- and the anti-American groups picked up on this. The following is a comment from "Bass Hole" by an American of the situation in Anjeong-ni at the time: The Anjeong-ri residents are having none of it and all joined together last night in a rare show of solidarity to shut the town down. They also hung a huge banner at the top of the street near the walk-through gate, which clearly expresses their opinion of the situation. Last night was eerie. The bar owners and the MP's were almost the only ones out on the streets. CP's patrolled in small groups and were scouled at by the residents. On every corner there were groups huddling and whispering. Some of the few Americans out were being challenged by the Koreans. Most of them sympathised with the bar owners. Anti-American comments and insults were cast inside the restaurant where my wife and I were getting dinner. We were only allowed to be served after Mr. Kim, the flower shop owner, and Teddy Bear salesman intervened and told them to serve us. What a difference a day makes... The atmosphere was dark and very unfriendly. If I had not recognized so many bar owner friends I would have been nervous. None seemed happy to see me, and many let me know their opinions without mincing words. (Source: Bass Hole)..."The bars -- faced with financial ruin -- were forced to agree to ID checks for under-age GIs under USFK rules on 19 Aug -- even though it is legal in Korea for these soldiers to drink under KOREAN law. (NOTE: USFK policy forbids drinking by servicemembers younger than 21, while South Korea's legal drinking age is 20.) The bar owners promised to install closed-circuit cameras to monitor bar transactions, post "No Minors" signs in each establishment's windows or entrance, check servicemember identification cards to weed out prospective underage drinkers, and call South Korean or U.S. military police if ID checks turned contentious. (Source: Stars and Stripes, 27 Aug 2005) After the agreement, the Merchants Association tried to put a "smiley face" on the situation by putting up a large banner that said, "We love you Commander Taliento...etc..., the residents." However, there was still a lot of tension at Camp Humphreys as of Sep 2005. Taliento lost a lot of goodwill in this run to enforce USFK policy. In Nov 2004, he said he would assist the USFK partly by forging close relationships with Korean officials, civic leaders, clergy and other members of the Korean public of the changes to the area over the moves to the area. The aim, he said, was to "sensitize, inform, educate the community at large about the changes that are occurring and that will occur at Camp Humphreys and Area III." (Source: Stars and Stripes, 29 Nov 2004) At Camp Humphreys, Col. Taliento started the base's first Good Neighbor Awards program, one that recognizes Koreans and Americans whose actions promote good relations between the U.S. military and the South Korean public in July 2005. (Source: Stars and Stripes, 5 Jul 2005) However, his actions in the bar area has made his job even more difficult. Following the crackdown on under-age drinking at Camp Humphreys in August, the camp authorities got the clubs to AGAIN "vow" to crack down on prostitution. Now the Anjeong-ni clubs "will fire bar workers who engage in prostitution as well as any of the "entertainment" agencies that provide female bar employees who might later take part in the sex traffic, the head of a local merchants group said Friday. The merchants also will fire any worker selling alcohol to underage U.S. servicemembers, said Kim Ki-ho, merchants association president in Anjung-ri, the Pyeongtaek City district in which Camp Humphreys is located." (Source: Stars and Stripes, 28 Aug 2005.) (PERSONAL NOTE: At the "training session" for bar-owners and bar-girls held at the Empire Hotel in Anjeong-ni on 26 Oct 2005, Col Taliento stated his commitment to curtail underage drinking by U.S. servicemembers -- but his "commitment" is extending into the law enforcement area of the Korean National Police where it is legal. Taliento distributed "special calendars a club CAN display the calendar near the bar, adjusting it daily to show the date a U.S. servicemember would have to have been born to meet USFK's legal drinking age of 21." (Source: Stars and Stripes on 27 Oct 2005.)  Map of Anjeong-ni In Oct 2005, Col Taliento and the Anjeong-ni area was back in the news. According to the Stars and Stripes on 22 Oct 2005, the owner and staff of an off-limits Top Hat Club outside Camp Humphreys must attend a "training session" -- to be held at a local off-base hotel -- about prostitution and human trafficking if they want the ban lifted. Allegedly undercover "police" caught two female employees offering themselves for prostitution. The undercover "police" were supposedly members of a "joint crime suppression team" of U.S. military and South Korean police. The women allegedly offered themselves to officers in an arrangement in which customers pay management in exchange for the women spending the night with them. The practice is "indicative of establishments that participate in prostitution or human trafficking." The owner denied the women had offered to sell their nights off. Instead, the owner contended the women had offered their night to the officers starting from when the club closed. Area III has since drafted another letter stating that the owner and all club employees must attend a training session about prostitution and human trafficking before they would consider removing them from the off-limits listing. PERSONAL NOTE (25 Oct 2005): First, we find this strange that a club would engage in "bar-fining" again when in a small bar town such as Anjeong-ni where such a practice would IMMEDIATELY become common knowledge to all. It does not compute that a bar owner would be so stupid in his greed to reinitiate "bar fining" with the other bar owners watching fearfully of an enmasse off-limits action by Col Taliento. The other bar owners would have immediately come down on the bar on their own for self-preservation's sake.According to the Stars and Stripes on 27 Oct 2005 the Area III, Pyeongtaek officials provided training for club owners on laws regarding prostitution and human trafficking at the Empire Hotel in Anjeong-ni. According to the report, "Female bar workers from the Philippines broke into sudden applause Monday when a U.S. military official told local bar owners and workers that South Korean law forbids taking away foreign workers' passports. "Yes! Yes!" some of the women exclaimed during a brief but sharp wave of applause..." About 15 of Anjung-ri's clubs are licensed to employ foreigners. Almost all their female workers "about 90 to 100" are from the Philippines, Kim Ki-ho, Anjung-ri Merchants Association president, said. They urged female workers who believe they are being coerced into prostitution or human trafficking to contact authorities. In the article, "One female bar worker, who gave her name as Christine, said afterward that she thought the session could help "little bit." But she questioned whether club owners would apply what they heard. "They listen, but once we're in the club..." she said, waving her hand dismissively." THIS IS THE REALITY. (PERSONAL NOTE: Too bad the bar owners were too stupid to realize that for the PAST 15 YEARS their practice of keeping the passports of foreign employees to prevent them from running away was illegal. (SARCASM) The 138,000 illegal aliens residing in the country who ran away (or disappeared after entering on a tourist visa) was no excuse. According to "law enforcement authorities" (USFK), "Withholding employees' passports can be a sign of a club owner involved in prostitution and trafficking." So the next step is that Camp Humphreys will interpret "can be" as meaning "is" and use it as "proof" of prostitution.  Songtan at Night (2003) (Quezdog)
Change to UCMJ by Executive Order: Soliciting an Offense (Jan 2006)The Stars and Stripes on 8 Jan announced that patronizing a prostitue was now a specific crime. In Oct 2004 with great fanfare, the DOD announced that it was writing a new change to the UCMJ. It went to the judicial review in Dec 2004 with expectation that it would be implemented in Mar 2004. Without fanfare, the changes to the UCMJ were submitted to the Congress in Apr 2005. Nothing more was heard of it -- until now. What makes this unique is that this change is publicized as being based on an Executive Order -- not the UCMJ -- that makes prostitution and pandering specific offenses. The DOD supposedly made the change as part of its effort to combat human trafficking by taking on the sex exploitation industry, as set forth in a December 2002 National Security Presidential Directive. (SITE NOTE: The President has consistently taken a hard line on human trafficking, but Congressional confirmation on the UN human trafficking protocols is still pending -- after years of waiting.)Now Department of Defense has specifically made it a crime for a servicemember to patronize a prostitute. The punishment: up to a year in prison, forfeiture of pay and dishonorable discharge. Our question remains -- if the DECEMBER 2002 Directive is the basis, why is it taking effect in JANUARY 2005? But then we get confused with statements that "the formal order came in an Oct. 14 (2005) presidential executive order" and again we have the same question. We are not certain of the exact date from press reports. (Source: Stars and Stripes.) But the big question is why are the press releases using the Presidential Directive as the justification when the amended UCMJ that was submitted to Congress in April 2005 should be the justification? (SITE NOTE: We have NOT seen the new Article 134 change in print, but most certainly in the coming months it will appear in the press. Previously the UCMJ covered prostitution (by a military member); pandering (as a pimp by a military member); and the adultery provisions. However, solicitation as a "John" was not covered. This is why the USFK used the Article 92 (Failure to Obey a Legal Order) and adultery (if applicable) along with non-judicial punishment as the catch-all.The draft was submitted to Congress in April 2005. DoD Proposed Amendments to UCMJ Submitted to Congress on April 7, 2005 addressing sex offense specifications does NOT contain the Article 134 change. However, under "Additional Military Sex Offenses" in Part IV, MCM, "Punitive Offenses" multiple paragraphs were combined. It stated that under "Sex-Related Offenses." it collected "sex-related offenses into one article including adultery, consensual sodomy that is prejudice to good order and discipline, prostitution, patronizing a prostitute, pandering, public intercourse/sodomy, sexual act. A crime if prejudicial to good order and discipline or service discrediting. Additional sex-related offense such as indecent acts, indecent exposure, indecent language, wrongful cohabitation, fraternization, & indecent liberties with a child will also be realigned under this paragraph." Initial JSC Draft (2/28/05)On 10 Jan the USFK stated that there has been no specific push to alert troops to an Oct. 14 presidential order that makes soliciting a prostitute a chargeable offense under Article 134 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice. Solicitation has been unlawful as a violation of USFK Regulation 27-5, and it was prosecuted under Article 92 "Failure to Obey a Lawful Order or Regulation." The new specifications of Article 134 have the advantage of providing consistency both across the military services as well as assignments overseas or in the continental United States. (Source: Stars and Stripes.) (SITE NOTE: Now that the UCMJ has changed, we wonder when the attacks on prostitution on the streets of America will take place placing the "Johns" in jail with sentences of up to one year. Holy shades of "blue laws" in America!!! Interesting proposition. Our problem all along has been that human trafficking is a political problem extending beyond the borders of America -- into the streets of Songtan, Uijongbu, Itaewon and other "camp towns." However, prostitution is a morale problem that the military has contended with since its earliest days -- with many a good chaplain condemning the practice of prostitution outside the gates. The complication is that the USFK -- and now the President -- has confused the political problem (human trafficking) with the morale problem (prostitution).Unfortunately, the Korean side of the house has NOT changed. They had a massive sweep in Sep 2004 and then NOTHING. Significantly fewer prostitution-related arrests took place in Korea in the year that followed than in the one-month sweep in Sep-Oct 2003. The only thing that happened is that prostitution moved out of the red-light regulated districts into the neighborhoods and internet. In Korea, it is out of the control of the police -- and now the $2.4 billion sex industry has gone underground. In Korea, there will be new challenges for the USFK as prostitution has moved to the chat rooms to set up "dates" at hotels. Filipinas are becoming computer-literate and targeting Korea specific chat rooms for GIs. (NOTE: Koreans are not targeting GIs as they are low-end trade -- meaning they do not pay the going rate.) Sting operations coordinated with the Korean National Police (KNP) will be difficult as many of the "love hotels," brothels, double-barber pole massage parlors include cameras of entrances that monitor the approach of a group of police officers -- and some even have hidden rooms. We also feel that the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) is probably already building up a case to test the legality of this new change ... one that targets only military members as a form of discrimination. The reasoning of maintaining "good order and discipline" wears thin as prostitution and camptowns have been an overseas tradition since the American military established itself overseas in the 1800s from Shanghai to Yokohama to Europe of post-WWII. Thus far, the soldiers and airmen prosecuted for solicitation have been under Article 92, Failure to Obey a Lawful Order, accepting non-judicial punishment in lieu of a court martial. Thus there has been no test case presented in the punishment of solicitation thus far. The official statement said: "Our policy is based on an abolitionist approach to trafficking in persons, and our efforts must involve a comprehensive attack on such trafficking, which is a modern day of slavery. In this regard, the U.S. Government opposes prostitution and any related activities, including pimping, pandering, or maintaining brothels as contributing to the phenomenon of trafficking in persons." SITE NOTE: Egads, Nevada and all states with legalized prostitution had better beware. Now the US government can interfere in "states rights" issues by Executive Order. You get the idea. There are umpteen ways to attack this issue from the individual military member civil rights aspect to the larger "states rights" issues.All that is awaiting is a conviction to test the constitutionality of the the Executive Order. Remember that Executive Orders are not infallible -- like the Japanese-American imprisonment in WWII by Executive Order 1029. However, it must be tested in the courts. The following story appeared in the Stars and Stripes on 7 Jan 2006.
Curfew Issue (Apr 2005 - ???)There is no conflict with the military having the 0100-0500 curfew justified by "force protection" and "force preparedness" by the commanders. That's a commander's perogative. The heartburn is that the civilians felt the curfew was being applied to them as a result of the USFK attempting to strangle the bars and put them out of business. Even the DoD spokesman in March 2005 concurred that civilians do NOT fall under the same curfew policies as the military, even in Iraq and Afghanistan. It was apparent the USFK had overstepped its bounds -- where even the DoD could not justify such a curfew. The Federal Employees union on behalf of nine Corps of Engineer workers filed a claim in March 2005 for "overtime" to account for the time spent at home when they were not allowed on the streets. This was rejected by the USFK. The union sought advice from its headquarters and again filed for "back standby pay." The USFK again rejected their claim and the Government Employees Union as of Apr 2005 was awaiting instructions from Union Headquarters. The issue that started over a principle has now deteriorated into simply a matter of money.In Sep 2004, Gen. LaPorte amended the ongoing curfew for servicemembers from to 9 p.m. to 5 a.m -- supposedly in response to a State Department warning that cautioned all U.S. citizens in Korea about potential protests and violence against Americans. However, after the Embassy denied such a warning, the USFK and Army judge advocate officials added that the State Department warning was only one of several force protection and readiness reasons to change the curfew hours in September. A few weeks later the curfew moved to 10pm to 7am -- but it appeared that each base/camp was setting their own curfew criteria. Enforcement and punishment appeared to be uneven. Some areas were heavily patrolled, while other areas of Seoul and Pyongtaek did not allow Town Patrols. Some civilians only received warnings, while others received threats of job loss. There also seemed to be some disparity between the USAF application of the curfews versus US Army application -- with each having different hours. Then in Dec 2004, Gen LaPorte issued a General Order that standardized the curfews. According to a General Order dated 23 Dec 2004 from Army Gen. Leon J. LaPorte, a curfew was put in effect from midnight until 0500 for all military and DoD civilians within the jurisdiction of USFK. The order prohibited them from movement off-base unless on official business. According to the General Order, signed by USFK Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Charles C. Campbell, "An off-installation curfew is in effect from 0001 to 0500 daily. During these hours, unless conducting official business, service members must be either (1) on a military installation; (2) in a private residence; or (3) in their place of lodging for the evening, which may include a hotel room off the installation." The military purpose was that "Conditions in the Korean area of operations make it prudent to limit off-installation activities for late-night and early-morning hours for reasons of force protection, safety, good order, discipline and optimal readiness." (NOTE: Some old timers snidely wondered what made Korea so special as Europe didn't have such curfews and they were faced with a real-time Al Quida threat.) Then the Camp Humphreys' Federal Employees Union representing nine Corps of Engineers workers decided to file for "standby backpay" which the USFK denied. Shortly thereafter, the USFK announced that a modified order issued on 5 Mar 2005 effective at 1 p.m. local time "removes civilians, including DoD civilians, DoD invited contractors and SOFA-status family members, from mandatory compliance, although they are still highly encouraged to adhere to the curfew hours." The order also amended service members' off-installation curfew to allow them to be out until 1 a.m. instead of midnight on Friday, Saturday and holidays, "including U.S. national holidays, USFK training holidays, and U.S.-observed ROK holidays," the new order said. The curfew for civilians and Korean-national family members was lifted after a great furor. The curfew was rescinded for civilians supposedly because of a reduced force protection posture. The Public Affairs Office (PAO) spent two pages explaining that the seemingly sudden turnaround in official policy was merely part of a continuous assessment process by Gen. LaPorte's people that reflects "the latest readiness and force protection assessments, analysis of general and specific threats, inputs from a variety of expert and leadership advisors, and consideration of numerous other factors such as quality of life impact for all SOFA-status personnel." However, others claim it was because the civilians up in arms over LaPorte's alleged "high-handedness" had mounted a letter-writing campaign to every member of the Senate Armed Services Committee demanding LaPorte be held accountable. As such the 5 Mar recision could possibly be explained the fact that on 8 Mar, Gen LaPorte, along with Adm. William J. Fallon, Commander, U.S. Pacific Command, was scheduled to testify before the Senate Armed Services Committee chaired by powerful Virginia Republican John Warner about troop readiness in Korea. They didn't need the civilian issue clouding the process. But despite the recision, the Union stated they were still suing for "back standby pay." The Union plainly stated that it was no longer a matter of principle, it was a matter of money. The "back pay" demand was from nine Camp Humphreys' Army Corps of Engineers employees with each employee seeking an average of "800 hours in back pay" as compensation for complying with a military curfew since it was first announced last September. Though the case involved only 9 individuals, but the potential was that ALL the civilians in Korea -- a massive amount of money -- would be eligible if the Union won its case. The first demand for "back pay" was turned down in March 2005. The Union made its request again in April. In May 2005, the USFK again denied the Union backpay for the second time claiming that the time had expired for complaints and that the Union had not proved that the members could not have used their time for "constructive endeavors" while at home. The Union requested advice from its headquarters in the US for its next action. In May 2005, there were feelers going out to organize a union under the National Federation of Federal Employees (NFFE). A petition was being circulated off-base for any civilian employee (GS or NAF) at Osan AB who is interested in organizing a union at Osan AB. This is the union at Camp Humphreys that filed the time claim against USFK that stopped the curfew for civilians. The petition needed about 25% of Osan employees to sign the petition before the NFFE would order an election. The concerns were "the threat to reimpose the curfew, there are a lot of other issues around. For instance: Big PACAF budget shortfall and possible furloughs; Not getting full overtime compensation when working exercises, etc., etc." In July 2005, another feeler was put out stating the petition was being left at the VFW Club in Songtan and signing the petition did not obligate the person to joining the union -- only that there was interest in forming a union at Osan AB amongst government employees. The following is a message left on the Osan AB Yahoo group on 1 Aug 2005: I have a petition for the National Federation of Federal Employees (NFFE) to request the Federal Labor Relations Authority to hold a union election on Osan Air Base. I have placed this petition at the VFW Post 10216 in Songtan. The Post canteen is located just off the Shinjang Shopping Mall in the basement of the Pacific Hotel, which is across from the UN Club. Just ask the barmaid for the union folder. Be sure to give it back to her and not leave it lying around.A hearing was set for 8 Mar 2006 to decide whether the nine members of Local 1363 of the National Federation of Federal Employees filed their original complaint in a "timely manner." If the union loses that argument, then it will end the quest to receive an average of 800 hours in back pay for "standby duty" during USFK's former curfew policy. If the union wins in March, another arbitration hearing will be set to decide the pay issue. Whatever the outcome of this complaint, the union is considering launching a class-action lawsuit against the U.S. military for requiring 3,000 civilian workers here to comply with a nightly curfew for more than five months. (Source: Stars and Stripes, 15 Dec 2005.) (See A-town and Prostitution: Curfew Issue for articles on the curfew controversy between the USFK and civilians/contractors.) Songtan Town Patrol at Night (1998) (Pyeongtaek Si Sa)
The Stars and Stripes posted an article on 31 March 2005 dealing with the bar owners that staged a protest in front of the main gate of Osan AB over this situation. However, if you read the article closely, the bar owners are not the ones who were protesting. It was the NGO activist group (Task Force To Oppose The Expansion of the U.S. Bases in Pyongtaek) that is protesting the movement of the USFK from Yongsan/DMZ to Pyongtaek. This group has already held one protest march at Camp Humphreys in early March. (See Protest.) The Pyongtaek People's Solidarity for Participation and Autonomy and several other civic groups held a rally on March 29, calling for the USAF to transfer Davis to the South Korean prosecution and denouncing the previous power abuses of the American military personnel in the area. This is a VERY SMART maneuver on the part of the bar owner's as they get their point across -- and still keep their hands clean by not being the actual protestors. We suspect that this will expand to a Korea-wide campaign by NGO activist groups to embarass the USFK -- though not necessarily in support of protesting the USFK "zero-tolerance" campaign aimed at putting the camptowns out of business. It will be simply a method to embarass the USFK. We anticipate similar exposes in other areas -- especially hard hit areas like Itaewon or Uijongbu or A-town. If there was the slightest impropriety on the part of the Town Patrols, they had best be worried. Past violations are also open books now that the gloves have come off.  Demonstrators outside Osan Air Base, South Korea, protest what they say were shakedowns of local Korean bar owners by U.S. Air Force security police responsible for patrolling the off-base bar district. (30 Mar 05) (Franklin Fisher / S&S) Later the USFK issued a bulletin to "clarify" the issues on 29 Mar 2005: USFK Clarifies Investigation of Airman at Osan Songtan Bar at Night (1998) (Pyeongtaek Si Sa) On 15 May 2005, an update on the "shakedown scandal" was published in the Stars and Stripes: On 12 Jun 2005, the Stars and Stripes covered the Article 32 hearing of Lt. Davis. On 8 July 2005, the Stars and Stripes article stated that 1st Lt. Jason D. Davis of the 51st Security Forces Squadron.will be court-martialed, but a date had not been set as yet. On May 13, Air Force officials charged Davis with bribery, extortion, rape, assault, larceny, adultery, violations of regulations and lawful orders, willful dereliction of duty, making false official statements and conduct unbecoming an officer. Lt. Gen. Gary R. Trexler, commander of U.S. 7th Air Force, ordered the court-martial after reviewing findings of an Air Force investigating officer who held a June 10 Article 32 hearing — the military equivalent of a grand jury. Witnesses testified Davis allegedly had his pick of bar girls for sexual liaisons, conducted unauthorized "stings" of clubs in an effort to catch bars in violations that could subject them to being put off-limits and kept an illegal off-base apartment. Before his March 1 arrest, Davis headed the base's Songtan Town Patrol in the Shinjang-Dong commercial district of bars, restaurants, clothing stores and other establishments that cater to U.S. servicemembers. (OPINION) What stands out is the testimony in exchange for immunity. The fellow officers and enlisted Security Policemen involved KNEW the "sting" operations that Davis was conducting were illegal, but did nothing.South Korean prosecutors in Pyeongtaek indicted 1st Lt. Jason D. Davis on July 1 on a charge of illegally possessing firearms. A judge later entered a summary judgment fining him 5 million Korean won (about $4,800). Davis did not appear in court on the matter. Korean National Police officers found firearms when they searched an off-base apartment Davis was accused of keeping illegally. Agents of the Air Force Office of Special Investigations joined in the March 1 search, according to hearing testimony. Police allegedly found various weapons and ammunition. Air Force special agent Etai Shpak testified at the June hearing that police found two pistols and one shotgun, a rifle, and various types of ammunition. Among other weapons allegedly found during the raid, Shpak said, were brass knuckles, thumbcuffs and pepper spray. Korean officers seized the weapons, he testified. Under South Korean law, once served with the court order, Davis would have seven days to respond. He could contest the conviction and request a trial in a South Korean court. If he doesn't contest the conviction, he would have 30 more days to pay the fine or face about 100 days in a South Korean jail in lieu of payment. In July, Davis filed for resignation from the Air Force in lieu of prosecution. Filing for resignation is normal. If the case is tricky, the USAF case is weak, or if it is in the best interests of the Air Force, the resignation may be accepted. However, for high-profile cases such as this, the cases usually go to trial. Anti-USFK NGO groups are loving this show. In late Aug 2005, NGO activists were threatening to stage protests if he did NOT go to trial just to stir the pot -- and added it to their agenda items in their Pyeongtaek protests. (Source: US Army Crime in Korea) On 16 Sep, it was announced that the court martial would proceed on Tuesday, 20 Sep -- though word had not been received on whether the Secretary of the Air Force had approved or disapproved Davis' request to resign his commission and leave the USAF. Headquarters approved the motion to proceed with the court martial but stipulated that there would be no rendering of a sentence until word of the Secretary of the Air Force's decision had been received. On 22 Sep 2005, the Stars and Stripes reported: "Davis' guilty plea Air Force 1st Lt. Jason D. Davis pleaded guilty to charges stemming from running illicit police undercover operations; accepting cash from club owners; maintaining illicit sexual liaisons with bar girls; violating the U.S. military's curfew that his police team had the duty of enforcing; being drunk and disorderly; having sex with women who were not his wife; illegal weapons possession; illegally maintaining an off-base apartment; using racial and ethnic slurs; filing a leave request with false information as to his intended destination; and maintaining an improper relationship with a subordinate airman. -- Stars and Stripes" According to the news article, 1st Lt. Jason D. Davis pleaded guilty Tuesday to offenses he committed while heading the Air Force police team that patrolled the bar district outside Osan Air Base. Davis, of the 51st Security Forces Squadron, pleaded guilty to conduct unbecoming an officer; activities prejudicial to good order and discipline or that were discrediting to the service; violation of orders; and making a false official statement. Davis opted to be tried by a military judge rather than a jury. In exchange for his plea to the guilty charges, prosecutors agreed to withdraw several earlier charges including rape and assault. On May 13, they had charged Davis with bribery, extortion, rape, assault, larceny, adultery, violations of regulations and lawful orders, willful dereliction of duty, making false official statements and conduct unbecoming an officer.On 22 Sep 2005, 1st Lt. Jason D. Davis was sentenced to dismissal from the Air Force and two years in prison. Military judge Lt. Col. Eric Dillow from the Pacific Circuit based at Yokota, Japan sentenced Davis in the two-day general court-martial. Davis and Osan officials still await word on whether the secretary of the Air Force will grant Davis’ July 6 request to resign in lieu of court-martial, a process called RILO. Air Force headquarters gave Osan prosecutors permission to hold Davis’ court-martial on condition that they take no further action in the case until the secretary decides the RILO matter. In pleading guilty, Davis admitted to running illicit police undercover operations; accepting cash and gifts from club owners; maintaining illicit sexual liaisons with bar girls; violating the U.S. military’s curfew that the town patrol had the duty of enforcing; being drunk and disorderly; having sex with women who were not his wife; illegally possessing weapons; illegally maintaining an off-base apartment; using racial and ethnic slurs; filing a leave request with false information as to his intended destination; and maintaining an improper relationship with a subordinate airman. On 16 Oct 2005, the Stars and Stripes reported that the Secretary of the Air Force had denied 1st Lt. Jason D. Davis' request to be allowed to resign. Air Force Lt. Col. Eric Dillow, Pacific circuit military judge, sentenced Davis on Sept. 21 to two years in prison and dismissal from the Air Force. The sentence climaxed a two-day general court-martial here before Lt. Col. Eric Dillow, military judge for the Pacific Circuit, based at Yokota. In a related matter, Davis had paid a fine of 5 million Korean won (about $4,800) a South Korean court imposed in July after convicting Davis of illegally possessing firearms. Next, U.S. 7th Air Force commander Lt. Gen. Garry R. Trexler, convening authority in the case, must decide whether to reduce Davis' sentence or let it stand. After his conviction, Davis was moved from the Camp Humphreys jail to the Charleston Naval Brig in Charleston, SC in late Nov 2005. However, in Jan 2006, Davis' defense lawyers asked for a reduction in his prison time because the trial transcripts and trial exhibits still had not reached Lt Gen Trexler's desk for final disposition of the case. Reason for the delay was given as the backlog in the transcription process. On Dec. 22, defense lawyers formally asked Trexler to use his authority to speed the process. Under military law, the three-star general must decide whether to amend Davis' sentence or let it stand. But military legal procedure requires that before the trial record can be given to Trexler, it first must be given to Dillow. If he, as the military judge, certifies it accurate and complete, then the 7th Air Force staff judge advocate reviews it and recommends in writing what final action should be taken. Both record and recommendation then would be sent to Davis and his lawyers, who have 10 days to review it and take any further actions, including raising objections or asking clemency. The 7th Air Force staff judge advocate's office then takes the entire case up to Trexler for action. The trial judge wasn't sent the case record until some two months after Davis' sentencing because the court reporter, busy with other cases, hadn't provided the transcript earlier. The 51st Fighter Wing legal office sent the trial record express mail to Dillow at Offutt Air Force Base, Neb., where he was presiding over a case, night before Christmas. The defense also has asked Trexler to reduce Davis' sentence by one month for each month he spends in jail past his parole eligibility date, which was in October 2006. The delay can hurt Davis in at least two ways: He cannot appeal until Trexler decides and the lack of a final decision from Trexler could weaken Davis' chance of gaining parole. PERSONAL OPINION: Our personal belief about the latest Songtan Town Patrol scandal is that there has been a lot of underhanded maneuvers by the MPs/SPs/Town Patrols that have gone unreported over the years as bar owners struggled to survive. Most of the questionable acts would fall under the category of "gifts" (or "favors"). The traditional method of the bar owners is to "get along" -- bend rather than fight. Over the years we have witnessed the white envelopes being slid across the counter to Korean police -- the thickness of the envelopes dependent on their rank -- in a system of giving "gifts" during Korean holidays. We have also seen the same system being rendered to off-duty Town Patrol in the form of "service" (free drinks) or "discounts." OPINION ON USFK ANTI-PROSTITUTION CAMPAIGNThe bottom line was that the USFK was using its curfew policies and off-limits sanctions to prosecute a "morality" issue dealing with prostitution -- while attempting to justify it as "force protection." The bar owners throughout the country viewed this as a life-and-death struggle as the USFK appeared hell-bent on shutting them down and putting them out of operation.The problem with the USFK zero-tolerance policy in 2005 is that the USFK is operating from a stance where it assumes that it has the power to affect change. The truth is that it is a toothless tiger trapped in a cage with only the power to kill its own cubs. It cannot change a thing in Korea outside its cage. Korea's sex industry accounts for 2.4 percent of its Gross Domestic Product. (NOTE: Other ROK reports state that it is 4.0 percent of GDP -- about $22 billion annually.) Though prostitution has been prohibited by law since 1948, it has flourished in Korea as the law was never enforced. Prostitution has been "regulated" since the 1960s (through scores of red-light districts and "special tourist zones" (camptowns)). If the USFK thinks it can change Korea, it is living in the realm of Alice in Wonderland. On 22 Sep 2005, the Donga Ilbo reported that the number of arrests related to the sex trade the first month the special law on sex crimes was in effect was three times more than the number of arrests for a year after the law was enacted. 4,157 people were arrested on charges of sex trade violations during the first month since the special law against sex trade went into effect, but only 12,103 were arrested on the same charges for the 11 months since then. This should come as no surprise. Koreans in general were skeptical when the campaign started. Most believed the crackdown wouldn't last -- and this has proven true one year later.The USFK has blurred the difference between prostitution and human trafficking. Prostitution is a morality issue, while human trafficking is a political issue. The USFK got trapped in 2002 in a political issue when the media accused it of promoting human trafficking in Korea. Though the ROK is the one that created and perpetuated the problem, the USFK got nailed with all the bad press. Because of POLITICS, the US government did nothing to point the finger at the real culprit and simply let the USFK hang out to dry. As the USFK could do nothing to resolve the international "political" situation of human trafficking, it addressed the "moral" situation of prostitution. In a nutshell, the USFK sought to attack the result -- but left the root cause unresolved. It was like trying to cut out cancerous tissue without treating the cancer. Its efforts were doomed to failure from the start. The USFK's Gen LaPorte went to Congress in 2003 and promised "aggressive actions" to remedy the situation -- stressing education, punitive actions and alternative entertainment sources. (Source: Defense Link News.) Unfortunately, the USFK solution was to take a "moral" stance against prostitution. The "education" never took place as no one knew what to teach -- thus it amounted to military leaders "talking to" their soldiers. ("Talking to" means being directive in nature...not educating and teaching. The official verbage was "new arrivals to duty in Korea are given prostitution and human trafficking awareness briefings." ) The "punitive actions" remained mostly Article 15s as the promised Article 134 change for solicitation never appeared. The "alternative entertainment" amounted to adding Paint Ball by MWR as one of its venues. In 2005, the ROK civic/human rights NGO groups stated publicly that the USFK had done only "eyewash" to remedy the human rights situation. But again the ROK NGO groups were using the USFK as the scapegoat to solve a problem that the ROK government fostered, sustained and continued to protect. However, for the USFK to take a moral stance after turning a blind eye to the situation in Korea for over 50 years made the USFK appear as a hypocrite -- much like the ROK in its "fight" against human trafficking. (NOTE: It actually goes back to the Occupation days. American Military Government in Korea by E. Grant Meade relates how an officer showed up in Chollanam-do in 1946 with a jeep and trailer filled with his "chattel belongings" and his "rented wife" (a Kisaeng or prostitute). He noted that the practice of "renting a kisaeng" was prevalent amongst the enlisted, but not normal in the officer ranks. But in the early days of the military government, some officers simply disappeared for months and were not missed.) What is sad is that during the vile 2002 anti-American demonstrations throughout Korea, the "camptown" bar and shop owners remained as the only steadfast friends of the Americans. After the July 2002 media events that left the USFK to take the heat for human trafficking in Korea, the USFK took on a moral campaign to shut down the bars. Despite all the USFK talk of a "good neighbor policy," the trust between the bar/shop owners has been broken. They have no illusions about the USFK zero-tolerance policy. It is aimed at the bar owners' demise -- and with them, the shop owners will perish as well. Stars and Stripes article on 31 May 2005 said that the Korean bars near Areas I bases were trying to counter monetary losses from the Army curfew by closing and reopening as restaurants catering to Korean customers. Some bars now allow South Koreans and other foreigners during the early hours of the morning when U.S. soldiers are restricted to base by the curfew. (NOTE: The USFK demanded the foreign laborers who work at the "3D" factories (dirty, dangerous and demeaning type work) in the area be restricted from the clubs though they fit the criteria for entry into the bars of the "special tourism zones" as foreigners.) The curfew has been hard on business according to the Korea Special Tourist Association (bar owners association). The USFK's "morality" campaign is bearing fruit in driving the bars out of business. All the "Good Neighbor" rhetoric is worthless.
As a final note, on 3 Jun 2005, Yonhap News announced that "U.S. lists S. Korea as model country in anti-trafficking efforts." Supposedly the U.S. State Department classified South Korea as one of the world's leading countries in combating human trafficking in its annual report. The fifth "Trafficking in Persons Report" placed countries in four tiers based on each government's efforts to root out human trafficking and protect victims. Ask anyone who is in Korea if the situation has really changed outside the gates. The prostitution rings are still there. The bar girls are still there -- except the foreign girls are only Filipinas. (SITE NOTE: Periodic reports state that Russians are still in the area, but whether legal or illegal (runaways) is unknown). Nothing has changed. So why this report? Because Korea did something -- albeit ineffective and eyewash in its Sep-Oct 2004 crackdown on prostitution. Then it went back to doing nothing. (SITE NOTE: A Donga Ilbo news report in Sep 2005 confirmed that fewer arrests have been made in one year since the crackdown ended than in the first three months of the ROK anti-prostitution campaign. It has returned to business as usual.) As we have repeatedly said, human trafficking is "political." As to the "moral" issue of prostitution, it is still out there on the streets with the USFK ineffectively beating its head against the wall trying to change something it has no control over. |
