This page is graphically intense with long load times due to photos. However, the photos and narratives by the men who served at Kunsan Air Base makes the wait well worthwhile. The opinions expressed are those of the author and in no way represents any official statement of Kunsan AB or the USAF.

For Kunsan AB viewers, the standard rule for dealing with materials on government computers is "If you wouldn't show it to the Wing Commander, you shouldn't be looking at it." The pages dealing with the RECENT history of the 8th FW contains some materials that are NOT complimentary to the 8th TFW. If you are on a government computer, you should use your judgement on viewing these pages.

If you wish to listen to some golden oldies from 1940s-1990s, click on the selection on the list below.
There are about 80 full-length songs to choose from.
(NOTE: Song audio degraded due to space limitations, but adequate for computer listening.)

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The photos are from SMSgt Christopher Shroyer's Photo Album on Webshots . SMSgt Shroyer, "Soup", was the Superintendent of the Information Systems Flight, 8th Communications Squadron in 2002. His photos provide an excellent tour of the base and its facilities.


For comments or inputs, contact:

Kalani O'Sullivan .

NOTICE/DISCLAIMER: The content of this page is UNOFFICIAL and the views and opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect those of anyone associated with this page or any of those linked from this site. All opinions are those of the writer and are intended for entertainment purposes only. Links to other web pages are provided for convenience and do not, in any way, constitute an endorsement of the linked pages or any commercial or private issues or products presented there. Neither the DOD, the Air Force, the 8th Fighter Wing nor Mickey Mouse has endorsed any of this site. All Air Force links are publicly accessible through the worldwide web. If there is any discrepancy between eye-witness accounts and OFFICIAL DOD records, this site opts to lend credence to the eye-witness views.

This site has little in the way of technical information on Kunsan AB's tactical planning, weekly exercises, or technical specifications on the aircraft. Our position is that Kunsan AB has been promising to "kick ass" for over thirty years and not a speck of bomb iron has hit North Korean soil yet. These tactical plans change from week to week, if not daily, but the point is: NO ONE from Kunsan has dropped a bomb on North Korea or shot a MiG from the sky. All the plans are simply plans -- not reality.

HOWEVER, the hard work and ability of the airmen to carry out the war game planning in the face of a hardship tour speaks loads of their caliber and dedication. The PEOPLE is what we want to cover -- not the GAME. The second item we wish to cover is the base which has served the airmen -- who served the mission. Over the years, organizations have come and gone from the face of Kunsan AB -- but the base has always remained to serve. The third item covers those Korean events that affect the life of the airmen or mission at Kunsan. This ranges from main gate protests to the ever-mounting efforts of Korea to wean itself away from American military dependency.


HOW IT WAS!

Eagle



MILITARY AFFAIRS

(2003)


RETURN TO MAIN TABLE OF CONTENTS

America

Table of Contents

8th Pursuit Gp History (1931-1945)
8th Fighter Bomber Wing History (1946-1952)
8th Fighter Bomber Wing History (1952-1955)
8th Fighter Bomber Wing History (1955-1974)
ROKAF: 111st Fighter Squadron (1953-Present)
8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1974-1975)
Kunsan AB: Tenant Units (1974-1994)
8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1976-1989)
8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1990-1995)
8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1996-1999)
8th Fighter Wing (2000)
8th Fighter Wing (2001): Part I
8th Fighter Wing (2001): Part II
8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part I
8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part II
8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part III
8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part IV
8th Fighter Wing (2003): Kunsan AB Affairs
8th Fighter Wing (2003): Military Affairs
8th Fighter Wing (2004): Kunsan AB Affairs
8th Fighter Wing (2004): Kunsan AB Military Affairs
8th Fighter Wing (2004): Kunsan: Information/Links page


Table of Contents (2004)

  • Spot Notes -- Chronological list of events at Kunsan or affected the lives of Kunsan personnel (with links to main articles) (Updated: As events occur)
  • Community Affairs
  • Quality of Life Issues - Facilities (Updated: January 2004)
    • Off-Base Issues: Prostitution and A-Town - Wolf Pack to combat prostitution -- an object lesson in futility -- and on-base rapes increase; A-town Off-limits -- the makings of a scandal (Updated: January 2004)
  • Military Affairs
    • Military Affairs (2003) -- USS Carl Vinson arrives in Pusan; Elmendorf F-15s at Osan; Marine FA-18s arrive at Kunsan in May; Low-key buildup; End of May return to normal. (Updated: 3 June 2003)
    • Military Affairs (2004) -- Seoul Courts Rule Against USFK Land Use; Vehicle Registration Policy Change; Crime Reports on USFK Soldiers; Continuing ROK-US Prosecutions; Bonus to Soldiers for Extension (Updated: 14 January 2004)

    • Relocation of USFK Bases (2003) -- In March USF announces it will relocate off the DMZ and south of the Han River; Renegotiations of Restructuring of 50-year old alliance; U.S. to invest $11 billion in Korea defense; Korea forced to increase its Defense spending; Enmeshed and entangled, the ROK drags its feet and attempts to shift the financial burden to the USFK; U.S. playing hardball and negotiations hit major snag in September 2003. 15-17 Jan continuation of meetings on relocation and reduction in forces. The first bases Camp Greaves and Giant to be returned in Nov 2004 under the LPP instead of 2011. (Updated: 31 Dec 2003)

      • Stryler/LAVIII: Our Opinion -- Details on the Stryker SBCT (3d Bde 2d ID) that will be replacing the 2d ID on the DMZ as part of a global repositioning strategy. Included are short sections on current USFK weapons systems that may augment the Stryker units in Korea after all the smoke has cleared. Stryker headed to Iraq in mid-October; US wants future forces to have a "regional" role; Stryker unit in Iraq in 2003 and blooded in Jan 2004. Stryker with its jerry-rigged LPG protection screens undergo the acid test of combat. Strykers success in Iraq for urban warfare role, but still questions about use in mountainous terrain unanswered. Decision to return the Interim Brigade Combat Team to Korea appears to be still up in the air as of 2004. (Updated: Jan 2004)


    • Relocation of USFK Bases (2004) -- 15-17 Jan continuation of meetings on relocation and reduction in forces. The first bases Camp Greaves and Giant to be returned in Nov 2004 under the LPP instead of 2011. (Updated: Weekly)

      • Proposed ROK FY2005 Military Budget -- Is It the Last Straw??? (OPINION) -- ROK Promised Defense Spending increase of 3.2 percent of GDP in 2004, but delivered a 2.8 percent of GDP. ROK Spending has now passed 1997 levels. The US position is that the ROK has the ability to increase its defense spending, but the ROK has not shown the will to do so. ROK "self-reliant" defense is delusional, but the ROK is maintaining the "free-ride" using the US High-tech warfare umbrella. Cursory look at why the ROK "Self-reliant" Defense is delusional. Though stated as reasons for Budget increase, the truth is that the E-X program will be sent out for bids in Nov 2004 and the SAM-X (Patriot) will NEVER be procured as long as President Roh is in office. The ROK is developing weapons programs that offer technology transfer or benefit industrial growth -- not necessarily what is essential to the defense programs. The ROK continues to be a thorn with its refusal to fund the Yongsan move and disputes over land use with the end result possibly being an explosion that destroys the US-ROK Alliance. (Posted: June 2004)
      • Dangerous Game the ROK is Playing (OPINION) -- Indepth look at the US Perspective on the evolving US-ROK alliance. Look into the r reasons for the ROK "Stall-and-Conquer" Negotiation strategy. Look at the growing American anti-Korean opinion; USFK and Department of Defense strategy; Head-on collision resulting in reduction in forces and pull-out of troops (Posted: June 2004)

    • Korea Continues to March to Its Own Drummer -- Korea upgrades its military and seeks technology transfer. However, Korea aims to control its own destiny. Korea now has OFFENSIVE missile capability. Its indigenous-designed fighter-trainer is ready for production and the KDX-II "stealth" destroyer has been launched. German-designed submarines are rolling out of shipyards and KM1A1 Korean Main Battle Tank is being produced in Korea. The next-generation fighter has been selected as the F-15K. Whether unrealistic or not, President Roh is seeking "self-reliance" for South Korea's defense by 2010. (Updated: 4 Sept 2003)

    • Military Affairst: North Korean Crisis: -- Equipment changes; Korea-wide Exercises; Force Positioning; Policy changes; North-South military dialogue. (Updated: Monthly)



    • Spies, Espionage & Infiltrators: -- Personal Opinion on the Spy Situation in Kunsan. Covers the spy organizations and the abuses by Presidents from Syngman Rhee to Roh Moo-hyun. Covers cases of captured infiltrators and deep-cover spies discovered in recent years to back up conclusions. (Sources footnoted) Covers history of communism in Cholla Provinces; list of coastal infiltration with methods of infiltration and vehicles used. (Posted: 24 May 2004)
  • Kunsan AB Information - Info, maps, slideshows with links to Kunsan City; Transportation; Base (Updated: January 2004)
  • Kunsan AB Protests -- Background of Protests; Protests in 2003 and 2004 by month; Indepth Coverage of the Protest Movement -- The Relocation of the USFK/SOFA -- Roh Moo-hyun actions and how it is all intertwined. Conflicts between Pro-US and anti-US elements are ideological and generational in nature. Coverage by month (Updated: Weekly)
    • Background
      • Subtopics -- Pro-American Demonstrations or really Anti-Sunshine Policy Demonstration? -- Anti-American Protests Waning? NO!!! -- Split in NGO Group Strategies and Shift to Pacifism -- America Responds -- Backlash of Anti-American Demonstrations -- Anti-American and the Generation Gap -- NGO Tactic to Boycott American Goods Backfires -- NGO-Initiated Polls Increasing and USFK Poll in response -- Roh wants to revise SOFA, but U.S. and MOJ Sees No Need -- Danger of Getting What they Want -- Considering the Improbable: What if the U.S. Leaves? -- OUR OPINION (Updated: 3 June 2003)
    • Jan-Mar 2003
      • Iraq War & Korean Perspective of Iraq War (Mar-Apr 2003) -- Iraq and Korea DAILY events with emphasis on anti-War -- but in reality a continuation of the anti-American protests of 2002. President Roh tells nation that he is forced to send non-combatant troops to Iraq in order to protect the nation -- i.e., U.S. blackmailed him. Roh then rewrites the text of his speech for English publications. Coverage is a day-by-day chronology of events in Baghdad and Seoul. (Updated: 16 April 2003)
    • Apr-Jun 2003
    • Jul-Sep 2003
    • Oct-Dec 2003
    • Jan-Mar 2004
    • Apr-Jun 2004
  • North Korean Crisis (2003-2004) -- The brinksmanship continues with the KEDO nuclear reactor program in the toilet and the U.S. refusing to direct talks with North Korea. The North withdraws from the nuclear proliferation treaty and restarts its nuclear weapons program. It started up its missile testing program and threatens to test the Taepongdo-2 missile which in turn forced the Japanese to amend their constitution for War Time Contingency Powers. Low-key buildup with the F-117A and USS Carl Vinson ends at end of May. President Roh continued to be rebuffed in South Korea's role in nuclear disarmament, but continues to send financial aid to the north. The South's actions widen the rift between the two allies. Later admits reprocessing about complete. SARS outbreak places China meeting on hold. DPRK caught smuggling drugs into Australia. DPRK accused of smuggling missile parts from Japan. (Updated: Monthly)
  • President Roh Moo-hyun: Anti-American or simply a Radical Reformist? -- A short look at the changeover of Roh from radical reformer to pragmatist -- but always a politician. Roh is in trouble with a worsening economy, labor disputes, media squabbles and a government run by amateurs. The National Intelligence Service is run by a left-leaning reformist. The question remains whether he can be trusted as an ally. He switched to a U.S. supporter after his summit with President Bush and now his former supporters claim he disgraced himself and Korea with his "humiliation diplomacy." (Updated: Weekly)


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    HOW IT WAS:
    KUNSAN AIRBASE
    (1974-Present)

    8th Fighter Wing


    Military Affairs

    8th AMXS Tops:

    On 10 Jan, the 8th FW Aircraft Maintenance Squadron received top honors in Pacific Air Forces winning the 2002 PACAF Maintenancde Effectiveness Award for a small wing. The 500 man unit was formed in August 2002 from two squadrons -- the Pantons and Juvats. There was a period of adjustment as the traditional rivalry between the two units having to work together as a team.


    WRM/AME 100% Serviceable Rate:

    The Munitions Activities Standardization Program inspection team found Kunsan Air Base armament flight's War Reserve Material / Alternate Mission Equipment section holds 100-percent serviceable rate on all its 207 pieces of WRM equipment. The inspection team notified the three-person section of its accomplishments during an MASP outbrief in Dec 2002.

    In 6 June edition of the Wolf Pack Warrior, there was an interesting article of a preservation program for WRM vehicles. The Kumbo Corporation is under contract to shrink wrap vehicles to be placed in deep storage. The program will cost $1.8 million and $350,000 for three following years. The program is to keep the vehicles ready for wartime use by adding preservatives to the fluids and wrapping the vehicles in plastic. 72 percent of the vehicles on the peninsula are to be wrapped by 2007 and will remain in Korea. There are about 4,700 WRM vehicles in Korea. What makes this interesting is this gives some insight into the future of the USFK in Korea as they drawdown and preposition assets for the "follow-on" phases.

    New MILES Training Capabilities:

    Cubic Defense Applications, the defense segment of San Diego-based Cubic Corp., received a contract valued at about $5.2 million to provide its laser-based combat training system for use in facility protection and counterterrorism training exercises. Cubic's equipment will be delivered next year to a Department of Energy site in the United States and to U.S. Air Force installations in the U.S. and overseas under a contract with the U.S. Army's Program Executive Office for Simulation, Training and Instrumentation. Under the new contract, Cubic's Multiple Integrated Laser Engagement System (MILES) is scheduled for delivery in summer 2003 to Kunsan Air Base in Korea ; Kadena, Misawa, Osan and Yokota air bases in Japan; Anderson Air Force Base in Guam; and Ramstein Air Force Base in Germany.


    Code One Article about Juvats:

    The following article appeared in the Code One Magazine (General Dynamics Magazine) in January 2003.

    Kunsan: F-16 Operations At Kunsan Air Base, Korea

    Photos By Katsuhiko Tokunaga

    A nondescript airliner dubbed “the Patriot” lands at Kunsan Air Base, Korea, every Thursday to drop off about sixty fresh Air Force personnel at the Wolfpack—the 8th Fighter Wing. The aircraft, a charter, stays for an hour or so and takes off with an equivalent number of Kunsan veterans. Those arriving appear jetlagged from their fourteen-hour flight to Korea via Seattle, Washington. Those leaving say heartfelt goodbyes to friends. Officers at the base line up to welcome the newcomers and to thank those departing for their service. Newly arrived personnel destined for the 80th Fighter Squadron, one of two F-16 squadrons at the base, collect on one side of the ramp. An informal serenade ensues.

    Beside a Korean Waterfall one bright and sunny day, Beside a shattered Sabre jet a young pursuer lay, His parachute hung from a nearby tree, he was not yet quite dead, So listen to the very last words the young pursuer said: “I’m going to a better land where everything is bright, Where whiskey flows from telephone poles, play poker every night. We haven’t got a thing to do but sit around and sing. And all of our crews are women. Oh death, where is thy sting?”

    “Beside a Korean Waterfall” and many other songs of varying degrees of decorum will be drilled into the memory of the newcomers in the days and weeks to come as they gather together for beers in their squadron hooch on Friday nights. (Hooches are small housing units converted into lounges or party shacks.) Those assigned to Kunsan face twelve months at one of the last truly remote assignments in the US Air Force. The small base, on the southwest coast of Korea, has no space for families. Whereas Osan Air Base, a much larger base about 120 miles northeast and very close to Seoul, gives officers the option of bringing their families, all US military personnel live at Kunsan without spouses or children. Their squadrons, therefore, become extended families.

    Without the demands of family, pilots, maintainers, and other person-nel have little to distract them from the mission. Col. Scott West, the operations group commander of the 8th FW, sums up that mission: “Defend the base, accept follow-on forces, and take the fight north. Those eleven words make it simple for everyone on base to understand why they are here.”

    Defend The Base

    A tall hill called Big Coyote provides a complete view of the base from its southern tip. A twisty gravel road takes visitors to the top, which is fortified with machine gun nests and a howitzer. Patriot missile batteries are visible below. “If the North invades,” explains Capt. Jason Hokaj, an F-16 pilot from the 80th FS, “we can cut down these trees to have a clear shot at enemy forces coming across those rice fields to the east.”

    Hokaj turns north and points to a razor-wired fence that runs along the coastline and marks the western perimeter of the base. “Rumor has it that North Koreans being trained for their special forces have to touch that fence to graduate,” he notes. The story carries more weight than the typical urban legend: mini submarines from North Korea run aground and get entangled in fishing nets off the South Korean coast with a disturbing regularity.

    “I don’t doubt that the fence story is true,” says Lt. Col. John Fyfe, who commands the 80th FS. “The South Koreans are always uncovering special forces operations in the country. I’ll read about an infiltration from the north in the press every couple of months. I haven’t been here an entire year, but I have already seen two North-South altercations. When I first arrived, the South Koreans sank a North Korean boat that was in South Korean waters. A couple of months ago, the North Koreans sank a South Korean boat. The tension here is a lot higher than most places we can be stationed.

    “Kunsan is like a deployed location near a front line,” Fyfe continues. “The demilitarized zone, the dividing line between North and South Korea, is only 100 miles north from Kunsan, about fifteen minutes in a jet. Base defense plays an important part of every exercise we take part in.”

    Accept Follow-On Forces

    Few air bases have the experience Kunsan has in accepting new forces. Those stepping off the weekly Patriot are in-processed faster than newcomers at other bases are shown where to park. “Everything is focused on getting people on board within hours of getting them off the plane,” notes Fyfe. “At other bases, the in-processing interviews and training classes can take weeks. The local checkout here happens very fast. The squadron has your full attention within a day of arriving. You don’t have to buy a house or rent an apartment here. You don’t have to enroll kids in schools, turn on the utilities, or get a phone. You can focus on the mission a lot sooner.”

    Taking on follow-on forces also means the 8th FW has to be prepared to accommodate five or more additional squadrons,” says West. “This means doubling up on rooms, erecting temporary shelters, and dealing with more aircraft on our ramps.

    The commanders of the two squadrons at Kunsan (the 35th FS Pantons and the 80th FS Juvats) decide which unit will get which pilot before he or she arrives. (Yes, Kunsan has female F-16 pilots.) “We try to balance the experience levels between the two squadrons and assign them equivalent instructor pilots, weapons officers, and night-vision-qualified pilots. We send majors and more experienced pilots to our operations support group where they can support wing-level planning.”

    Kunsan is often the first operational F-16 assignment for newly minted F-16 pilots. “We have about eleven lieutenants in each squadron right now,” West explains. “That’s a large number. Kunsan is both a good deal and a tough assignment at the same time for these pilots. The air force won’t take pilots out of the cockpit until they are experienced, which is defined as 500 flying hours in a fighter. A pilot will accumulate more than 500 flying hours in a typical three-year first assignment. So they will be eligible for a nonflying assignment. After a year at Kunsan, they are guaranteed another three-year assignment. New pilots willing to put up with the rigors of Kunsan can stay in a cockpit for four years.”

    Upon arriving, and after in-processing, new pilots get an introductory briefing from the wing commander (called the Wolf). The briefing includes a history of the Korean peninsula and the Korean War. More recently, newcomers take a bus north for a tour of the DMZ. They get detailed briefings on war plans. Pilots new to the Block 30 F-16s (80th FS) or Block 40 F-16s (35th FS) get simulator and academic training. The first flight for all pilots is a local area orientation.

    “Pilots who have been instructors or flight leads get the orientation ride and then a check ride to recertify their status,” notes Lt. Col. Dave Ellis, the operations officer for the 80th FS. “Wingmen get a ten-sortie mission qualification training program, including air-to-air and air-to-ground training. Part of that training takes place in the airspace just south of the DMZ where F-16 pilots work with ground controllers from the Army in close air support training. We try to familiarize them with the whole country. The training takes two to three weeks and brings them to mission-ready status.”

    Take The Fight North

    Wolfpack war plans take the fight north in some of the oldest F-16s in the Air Force fleet, Block 30s built in the mid 1980s. The 80th FS at Kunsan and two F-16 squadrons at Cannon AFB, New Mexico, are the last active duty units in the Air Force to fly Block 30 F-16s. Kunsan’s Block 40 F-16s, flown by the 35th FS Pantons, were built more than ten years ago. However, age has little to do with capability these days when the Fighting Falcon is involved. Recent software updates to Block 40 F-16s allow the 35th FS to drop inertially aided munitions, such as the wind-corrected munitions dispenser and the joint direct attack munition. (The 35th FS dropped its first JDAM in September 2002.)

    The Block 30 F-16s of the 80th FS have been transformed from dumb bomb droppers into precision attackers in the last year. “Our Block 30 F-16s were once considered a drawback for coming to the 80th FS,” explains Ellis. “We had some of the oldest F-16s in the active duty, and they could not fly with a targeting pod. They also had an older avionics suite. All that has changed in the last year.”

    The 80th still flies the same Block 30 F-16s, but recent software upgrades and the addition of GPS allow those airplanes to drop laser-guided bombs and to function with targeting pods. The 80th flew with a targeting pod for the first time in January 2002. Pilots from the unit dropped their first laser-guided bombs (two GBU-10s) with targeting pods two months later. The entire squadron was targeting-pod qualified in August.

    Until late fall 2001, the F-16 pilots from the 80th FS flew what is called mixed-block tactics with pilots from their sister squadron at Kunsan. Block 40 F-16 pilots from the 35th FS would use their targeting pods to direct laser-guided bombs released from the Block 30 F-16s from the 80th FS. “While mixed-block tactics allowed our wing to put more precision weapons on target, the approach usually required extended loitering times and re-attacks,” notes Capt. Alex Grynkewich, the weapons officer for the 80th FS. “Mixed-block tactics also require greater coordination between the two squadrons and more complex inflight communications. All of these factors lower hit rates.”

    While an avionics software upgrade called System Capability Upgrade 3, or SCU 3, gave Block 30 F-16s the ability to carry precision-guided munitions, SCU 4 improved PGM capability by adding a combined global positioning and inertial navigation system. SCU 4 also allowed the jets to carry targeting pods. At about the same time SCU 4 was being installed in the Block 30 F-16s, a software upgrade for Block 40 F-16s called Tape 40T6 gave the 35th FS the ability to drop inertially aided munitions. “The Wolfpack has only eighteen targeting pods, and all of these were assigned to the Block 40 F-16s of the 35th FS,” notes Grynkewich. “Tape 40T6 allowed the Wolfpack to drop inertially aided munitions, lowering the reliance of the 35th FS on LANTIRN pods and freeing some of the pods for our Block 30s.”

    Once the 80th FS pilots began flying with their own targeting pods, they had to train to new tactics. The tactics, called mixed-element tactics, had to account for limited number of pods and limited number of qualified pilots the unit may have at a particular time. Each two-ship flies with at least one pod, usually with the flight lead. The pair uses buddy-lasing attack tactics similar to mixed-block tactics.

    One big advantage of mixed element tactics, however, is that the pilots perform these tactics from within the same element instead of between two elements,” Grynkewich explains. “The situational awareness datalink made available with SCU 4 allows us to use a cooperative lasing mode, which further improves our hit rates. Cooperative mode lets me tag my wingman. In air-to-ground mode, my display then shows the munitions my wingman is still carrying and the laser code he’s using. It also shows his time to impact and time to release. It tells me when to start lasing the target. The system works almost as if my targeting pod is on the other jet, or as if his bombs are coming off my jet. The automation significantly reduces the amount of radio communication to get bombs on target. The datalink also increases my situational awareness, giving me the fuel state of the tagged airplane, the status of his air-to-air missiles, his callsign, airspeed, and relative position to my aircraft.”

    But even mixed element tactics are considered an interim solution. The ultimate goal is to have every pilot qualified to operate a targeting pod and every aircraft equipped to carry a targeting pod. To reach that goal, the 80th FS invited two instructor pilots from Luke to Kunsan last summer to augment its own instructor pilot core. The unit upgraded all of its pilots in three weeks of concentrated training. “In our most recent combat effectiveness readiness exercise,” Grynkewich says, “we operated as a full-up targeting pod squadron. We still have limited targeting pod availability, but the hit rates exceeded our expectations. We saw a twenty percent increase in lethality over mixed-block tactics. For example, if we hit seven out of ten targets in MBT, we’re now hitting nine out of ten targets. The improvements change the way we will take the fight north. PACAF has three F-16 squadrons in Korea. All three are now capable of dropping precision-guided munitions. We made these improvements at little to no cost to the government.”

    “The ITO, the integrated tasking order, or our war plan, has changed three times since I got here eleven months ago,” adds Fyfe. “It incorporated the mixed block tactics when I arrived. With those tactics, we could cover more target sets with fewer aircraft because of the precision weapons. The ITO changed again when we got our own targeting pods. Then it changed a third time when the 35th FS began flying with JDAM. We cover a significantly larger target set than we could eighteen months ago because of the precision capability we’ve added to these airplanes. A year from now when SCU 5 comes out for the Block 30 F-16s, we will be JDAM capable. That will give us a lot more options when weather is a factor as it often is in Korea.”

    Perception And Reality

    Kunsan has a reputation as a bare base where heat, air conditioning, electricity, and running water are considered luxuries. The base also has a reputation among fighter pilots for some of the best flying in the world. Both notions are close to the mark.

    “Newcomers tend to have negative conceptions about Kunsan because it is a remote assignment,” Fyfe says. “The base is significantly better than it was ten years ago when it had some significant infrastructure problems. My mental picture of the country was painted by old Korean War movies. I was pleasantly surprised when I got here in November 2001. The country is very pretty. The people are very friendly. Korean food takes some getting used to, but it’s pretty good. The separation from your family is tough, but not as tough as it used to be. Those stationed here maintain familial contact through emails and international phone calls. We have DSL Internet access here, so some use video cameras to see each other over the Web. The Air Force also grants thirty days of leave, which we usually take in the middle of our tours. “The time goes by quickly here,” Fyfe continues. “Since we don’t have many distractions around Kunsan, we get real good at our jobs. Young pilots get a lot out of Kunsan as a first assignment. They fly a lot and learn a lot. Many spend their spare time studying the threat. I’ve flown more in the last year than in any other year during my Air Force career.”

    “I heard a lot of wild stories about Kunsan before coming over here,” says TSgt. Tom Greenhill, an avionics technician with the 80th. “They said this place was out in the woods with absolutely nothing to do. They said it is a bad place to be. Kunsan is a remote assignment alright, but the isolation draws people together. This tour, like any other tour, is what you make out of it.”

    “People tend to forget the hardships of being at Kunsan,” adds Ellis. “They forget about the separation from family and the harsh weather. They remember the good stuff: the excellent flying, the closeness of the squadrons, and the intensity of the mission. They look back on Kunsan as a positive experience. People learn a lot about the airplane, about the job, and about themselves for the twelve months they spend here. When I talk to my wife and children on the phone, I tell them I can’t wait to come home. At the same time, leaving will be tough. I’ve made a lot of close friendships over here. I’ll miss this place.”

    ... Eric Hehs is the editor of Code One.


    Exercises:

    The 8th FW was in a state of constant exercises in the beginning of the year to get ready for the Operational Readiness Inspection slated for 7 April 2003. As the date approached, the wing exercised twice in March to get ready. During the exercises, there has now been a new policy whereby all AAFES facilities are closed -- including the BX until the End of Exercise (ENDEX) is given. Only the Burger King facility in the food court was allowed to remain open. During full scale exercises, guards are checking IDs at entry points at all facilities, including the mail room.



    Wolf Pack Warrior (Feb 14)
    Page Full Size (1584x1224) -- Click on page to enlarge

    The wing was affected to a lesser degree with its portions of the Foal Eagle exercise (March 4-April 2). However, the arrival of the F-117A Stealth aircraft on March 14 at Kunsan cranked up the visibility a great deal. The RSOI (Reception, Staging, Onward Movement and Integration) exercise (March 19-26) would entail some portions of the overall plan to be exercised at Kunsan.

    In February, a C-9 aircraft from Yokota Air Base, Japan, helped troops from the 8th Medical Group train on air-evacuating medical patients. This collaboration was the first time Kunsan Air Base, Republic of Korea members trained with an actual aircraft, which proved beneficial for everyone involved. As the scenario went, individuals injured over the past 24 hours requiring medical attention not available at Kunsan were air evacuated to other medical facilities. The troops only simulated the transport, however the focus of the training centered around loading patients.

    The big change in these exercises from the past is the "attitude" of the people. There seems to be a change in the atmosphere on the base dealing with the exercises. In the past, the general attitude to exercises was that it was a "war game" that just needed to be "passed." However, with the current tensions going on with North Korea -- along a definite chill in South Korean relations over the handling of the North Korean situation -- there is a feeling that the exercise may be a prelude to something "real" in the future. The personnel seem to have a sense of relevancy and immediacy in the exercise. In February, the base practiced functions for the upcoming Reception Staging and Onward Movement and Integration (RSOI) to ensure that the base was capable of handling the beddown of the follow-ons.

    The Korean populace in general have become more concerned with these exercises. The media also contributed to the tensions. In Feb Osan AB and Kunsan AB participated in a quarterly 7th AF Combat Employment Readiness Exercise Beverly Bulldog 03-01. Though the dates for this exercise were released in 2002 and discussed with local government officials and community leaders in the Osan area, the media published reports that Osan had increased its defense posture. Osan demanded a retraction as it had NOT increased its defense posture.

    The following is a story from PACAF News Service on 7 Feb:

    Follow-on forces deploy to Kunsan

    Feb. 7, 2003
    Osan's Red Horse train for contingencies with Wolf Pack
    By Senior Airman Andrew Svoboda
    8th Fighter Wing Public Affairs

    KUNSAN AIR BASE, Republic of Korea -- Troops from Osan Air Base, Republic of Korea’s elite heavy construction team deployed to Kunsan this week for contingency training.

    Nearly 100 members of the 554th Red Horse Squadron loaded their gear and drove to Kunsan in three convoys of 15 vehicles earlier in the week.

    The opportunity to actually deploy to a field location provides far more effective training than the troops would receive training at Osan, said Lt. Col. Joe Castro, 554th RHS.

    "Osan is very limited for space and we're limited to how we play in scenarios," said Castro. "What Kunsan provides is a bare base site, where we perform our mission while interacting with opposing forces and (chemical) attacks. We also have to overcome working on actual grass and gravel, as opposed to concrete."

    An advanced team of about 10 troops arrived Saturday to prep the sight and layout for the main team. These troops and the main team, which arrived later in the week, provided actually troops for Kunsan's personnel line to process as follow-on forces.

    "Processing troops provided more realistic training for the people working the in-processing line," said Staff Sgt. Michael Plante, 8th Mission Support Squadron. "The people working the line were able to answer real-world questions troops may have, since they were actually living here for a week."

    Although Kunsan already has a civil engineer squadron capable of rapid runway repair, the Red Horse team provides heavy construction capabilities including well-drilling and quarry and demolition operations.

    "We have the skills, training and equipment to provide a base with the ability to do construction instead of just doing repairs," said Castro.

    When the Red Horse team deploys, they take everything they'd need to deploy to a bare base and independently sustain operations for 30 days. In addition to equipment and construction workers, the team arrived here with vehicle mechanics, and troops to cook, provide financial assistance and provide their own security.

    In 24-hours, the team had a small city of tents set-up, complete with a fully operational kitchen, command and control center, armory, entry control points and living space for the team's nearly 100 troops.

    The team trained here last year, but whether or not they return for the Operational Readiness Inspection is up to the Inspector General. Regardless, the team appreciates the opportunity to train here.

    "The support we receive from Kunsan has been outstanding and we interact really well," said Castro. "We really enjoy any opportunity to come out here and train." (PACAFNS)
    In the 22 Jun Wolf Pack Warrior an article stated that "Osan's 554th Red Horse and their Guard and Reserve augmentees were on temporary duty to Kunsan AB to work on five projects valued at more than $2 million. "We're constructing a shower/shave and two pre-engineered buildings," said Master Sgt. Robert Rooney, site manager and NCOIC. "The shower/shave can accommodate 200 people and the 10,000-square-foot PEBs can accommodate war reserve material or serve as quarters for about 200 troops per building," he said. The Kunsan project will provide a location for incoming forces to bed down for exercises or real world contingencies.

    The need for these types of facilities was demonstrated with the F-117A Stealth fighters arrived on 14 March and were extended at Kunsan due to the North Korean nuclear crisis. They were later joined by a squadron of Marine FA-18s in May. The enlisted support personnel lived in tents with separate latrine facilities until they departed on 5 June.

    The Kunsan project was a total force effort with approximately 30 Guard and Reserve airmen from stateside units attached to the 554th joining with 30 airmen from Osan. The project started before the Guard and Reserves arrived on 1 June. The Guard and Reserves left at the end of the June. The project would continue until the end of summer.

    The construction site presented a few obstacles to the team. The site had to be prepared with landfill because the water table was near the surface as well as poor quality soil. The team raised the ground level of the site with higher quality soil. The site also had poor connectivity for electricity and water utilities.

    Operational Readiness Inspection (Apr 7-11): Prior to the exercise, all the barriers were up; checkpoint stations were erected; concertina wire strung; signs covered; and camo netting set up. The base looked like a war zone. Because many personnel had been extended because of the Iraq War that syphoned off their replacements, there was an added bonus of people well-trained in this exercise. Nevertheless, the Security Police still had 75 percent "newbies" in the ORI.

    The 8th FW ORI was actually part of the largest inspection of its kind in the Air Force, as it was conducted simultaneously with the assessments at Osan for the 51st FW and various locales for the 7th Air Force and its subordinate units. The inspections represent a recent shift in the PACAF commander’s inspection policy away from separate initial response and combat employment inspections towards a single combined ORI. This policy shift was also reflected in the combining of Foal Eagle O3 and the RSOI 03.

    Inspections encompassed the four major functional areas: Initial Response; Employment; Mission Support; and the Ability to Survive and Operate. These four major areas were also broken into smaller sub-groups to more closely indicate strengths and needed improvements.

    Everyone had to check into Information Control Centers before reporting to work to get the latest info on exercise. The exercise was played until you crossed the threshhold of your room. Basically everything was closed/off-limits during the exercise from 8 April (Tuesday) until April 11 (Friday). For the Korean NAF workers, this was a nice vacation. Most of the service facilities shut down on 4 April. The only place open during the ORI was the laundromat. According to the scuttlebutt, the exercise was to end at 12:00 Friday the 11th, but because of weather that prevented the completion of operational flying phases, the exercise didn't end until 21:00 on Friday night. As a result of the delay, the Wolfpack folks weren't able to "blow off steam" off-base until Sunday when the base was "unlocked."



    Map of Exercise Area: Wolf Pack Warrior (Jan 03)
    Page Full Size (1584x1224) -- Click on page to enlarge

    As expected, the 8th passed with flying colors "Excellent" -- something that was no surprise to anyone. These folks have practiced this scenario until it was fine-tuned. Also the North Korean crisis seems to have focused the attention of the folks on this ORI being a potential "for-real" scenario -- and not simply a war game. (See Wolf Pack Warrior for photos of the ORI.) The following is from PACAF News on 25 April:

    PACAF units make the grade after ORI

    April 25, 2003
    By Senior Airman Harold Barnes III
    Osan Air Base Public Affairs

    Osan Air Base, Republic of Korea -- The 7th Air Force, 51st Fighter Wing and 8th Fighter Wing lived up to their core values by earning "Excellent" ratings on the Pacific Air Forces Operational Readiness Inspection that ended April 11.

    "Ratings aside, wing personnel demonstrated exceptional mission focus and a sense of urgency throughout the inspection," read the PACAF Inspector General’s report. "Individual performances indicated there are many aggressive training programs in place to meet the challenge of high personnel turnover, and unit morale remains strong despite the high OPTEMPO [operations tempo] associated with both exercise and real world demands."

    The ORI was the largest inspection of its kind in the Air Force, as it was conducted simultaneously with two other ORIs in the Republic of Korea. The assessments were at Osan for the 51st FW, Kunsan Air Base for the 8th Fighter Wing and various locales for the 7th Air Force and its subordinate units.

    "These inspections represent a recent shift in the PACAF commander’s inspection policy away from separate initial response and combat employment inspections towards a single combined ORI," read the report. "I would tell people they need to look at this ORI and come out of this with their heads held high and be awfully proud of who they are and what they know they can do," said Brig. Gen. William Holland, 51st FW commander. "I think they (Mustang Warriors) did well … I think our units proved they’re ready."

    The report also said, "Wing leadership at all levels was extremely effective and involved, reflecting Air Force core values and inspiring the exemplary performance observed."

    The rating of "Excellent" encompassed the four major functional areas: Initial Response; Employment; Mission Support; and the Ability to Survive and Operate. These four major areas were also broken into smaller sub-groups to more closely indicate strengths and needed improvements.

    Courtesy of Pacific Air Forces News Service.


    RSOI and Foal Eagle Combined:

    For the sake of efficiency, the Reception, Staging, Onward Movement and Integration (RSOI) exercise and Foal Eagle have been combined for the second time. Basically, the Foal Eagle is a rear-echelon base defense exercise to test security measures and RSOI tests the ability of the units to beddown the follow-on forces and integrate them into the unit's mission plans prior to "Taking the Fight North." (See RSOI & Foal Eagle 03 Video for more details.) The following is a USFK News Release :

    RSOI AND FOAL EAGLE EXERCISES COMBINED

    SEOUL, Republic of Korea (USFK) February 17, 2003 – The Republic of Korea and United States Combined Forces Command (ROK/US CFC) announced today that the Reception, Staging, Onward Movement and Integration exercise, referred to as RSOI 03, will be held 19 to 26 March in Korea.

    Along with RSOI 03, the joint and combined field training exercise referred to as FOAL EAGLE (FE) will again be linked with RSOI as it was last year. FOAL EAGLE training events will begin on 04 March and continuing through 02 April.

    RSOI/FE 03, like all other CFC exercises, is defense-oriented and designed to improve the command’s ability to defend the ROK against external aggression. United Nations Command has informed the Korean People’s Army in North Korea about the exercise.

    As in past exercises, RSOI/FE 03 will include a full range of equipment, capabilities, and personnel including reconnaissance, Special Forces, and air, land, and sea assets.

    RSOI is a scheduled annual combined/joint command post exercise first held in 1994 and used by CFC, ROK and U.S. forces commanders to train and evaluate command capabilities to receive U.S. forces from bases outside the country.

    FOAL EAGLE is the command’s theater-wide joint and combined field training exercise focused on rear area security and stability operations, onward movement of critical assets, and select warfighting training events across all ROK and U.S. service components. The exercise will involve ROK forces and a number of U.S. military units assigned on the Korean Peninsula, as well as a small number of U.S. forces deploying to Korea.

    This will be the 42nd time Foal Eagle has been conducted, yet only the 2nd time it has been linked with RSOI. A primary benefit of linking the two exercises is select field training exercises tie directly into the command post exercise, providing more realistic training opportunities. These exercises are designed to help teach, coach and mentor younger soldiers while exercising senior leaders’ decision-making capabilities.

    The Exercise was not without mishap. 2 GIs were killed and 7 injured during the military exercise.

    Uijeongbu, South Korea, April 4 (Yonhap) -- Two U.S. soldiers were killed and seven others were injured Wednesday in a collision between an armored U.S. vehicle and a light tactical vehicle during an exercise in Pocheon, Gyeonggi Province, the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division said Friday. The servicemen who died have been identified as Sgt. 1st Class Lionel Richards, 43, and Sgt. Gilberto Strickland, 30. Some of the injured were rushed to the 121st General Hospital in Yongsan base in central Seoul and are listed in stable condition, while others reported to their units after receiving treatment.

    As the USFK's FE 03/RSOI 03 is winding down, North Korea’s winter military drill is also winding down. It is expected to last until the end of March.

    Anti-Exercise Protests: Anti-War protests targeted the Foal Eagle and RSOI exercises. On 19 Mar a protest was held outside Yongsan by a small group carrying banners that said, "Stop Foal Eagle RSOI Exercises Targeting North Korea!" (Go to Tongil News for photos.) Similar demonstrations were held throughout Korea. This demonstration was in conjunction with the anti-War protests being held in front of the Blue House protesting the War in Iraq at the same time.

    Meanwhile, landing exercises for Foal Eagle took place at Hwajin Beach near Pohang. According to Daily Star News :

    Meanwhile, thousands of American and South Korean troops backed by warships and planes launched a massive amphibious landing drill at a beachhead near in Pohang Friday as part of what North Korea denounces as preparations for nuclear war.

    In a signal to North Korea that Washington will not drop its guard despite its preoccupation with the war on Iraq, US and South Korea troops are engaged in major war games this month.

    Amphibious tanks roared ashore and sent camouflaged marines fanning across a smoke-filled beach as gunships hovered and fighter jets screamed overhead.

    The joint landing drill at Hwajin Beach in Pohang, 350 kilometers (220 miles) south of Seoul, involves around 3,000 troops -- including 1,000 US marines, Captain Son Kang-Ho from the South Korean Marine Corps said.

    Visible out to sea were six navy ships, including the USS Juneau amphibious transport vessel, from whose decks tanks and armored landing vehicles took to sea. Further out, invisible from the shore, a US aircraft carrier battle group provided additional cover.

    "The aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson is somewhere off the coast," Lieutenant Commander Matt Brotherton from the US Navy said as he surveyed the landing drill, part of joint maneuvers which have sparked strong condemnation from North Korea.

    On the 22 Mar the Tongil News showed an interesting video clip of protestors at Hwajin Beach on 21 Mar in the midst of the Foal Eagle Exercises with students attempting to run down the landing of a fishing village to the landing zone and stretch out their banner with Korean flags waving. They were intercepted by the police and hauled away in police buses. In the background of the video, the troopship and landing craft used to practice a landing assault are shown in the background with the helicopters flying overhead. They never got a chance to disturb anything.


    Protestors at Pohang (20 Mar 03)

    As the exercises were winding down, another small protest was held outside Yongsan on 30 Mar with the usual signs of "No RSOI" and "No Foal Eagle" -- along with "Bush Stop the War." Protests were peaceful, but blocked by Riot Police from nearing the main gate of Yongsan.


    Ulchi Focus Lens 03 (Aug 18-29): The Republic of Korea and United States Combined Forces Command (ROK/U.S. CFC) announced that they would conduct its 29th annual command post exercise, Ulchi Focus Lens (UFL) 03, Aug. 18-29. According to the USFK, "UFL 03 is a combined/joint training exercise conducted annually. This computer-simulated, command post exercise involves forces from both the United States and the Republic of Korea. UFL is designed to evaluate and improve combined and joint coordination, procedures, plans and systems for conducting contingency operations between ROK and U. S. forces. The exercise will involve a number of U.S. military units assigned on the Korean peninsula as well as ROK forces and a small number of U.S. forces deploying to Korea. The ROK-U.S. Combined Forces Command conducts a variety of exercises such as UFL as part of a vigorous, year-round training program. CFC's preparedness is an effective deterrent to external aggression and serves as the foundation for diplomatic efforts to achieve peace and stability on the Korean peninsula through dialogue."

    The basic focus is the command and control functions through various scenarios. The exercise is primarily computer-simulations between the command posts to integrate the ROK and USFK forces. Along the DMZ, there is a lot of activity in coordinating between command posts. For example, an Army C-12 Huron aircraft provides a transportation link between Command Post Tango and other command posts.

    However, the North used UFL-03 as an excuse to cancel the ministerial level talks scheduled for 28-29 Jul with Unification Minister Jeong Se-Hyun causing the Minister to react with disgust. The Minister was upset that this annual exercise -- held for the past 29 years -- was used as a pretext to cancel the meeting to be held at Kaesong.

    According to Agence France-Presse ("PYONGYANG DENOUNCES US-SOUTH KOREA WAR DRILL," 08/01/03) the DPRK has demanded that massive US-ROK military exercises scheduled for this month be scrapped, warning Seoul that staging the war games could jeopardise inter-Korean relations, the ROK's Unification Ministry said. Kim Ryong-Song, DPRK chief negotiator to ministerial talks with South Korea, sent a message to his southern counterpart, Unification Minister Jeong Se-Hyun, Thursday demanding that joint "Ulchi Focus Lens" drills be called off. Kim expressed regret over what he described as Seoul's bid "to stage nuclear war exercises against the fellow countrymen in league with outsiders to bring dark clouds of a nuclear war" to the Korean peninsula, the Unification Ministry said in a statement. "Now that your side is planning to stage war exercises against the North together with the US, we feel deep apprehension as to whether the itineraries of inter-Korean relations agreed upon by both sides would be implemented properly," Kim said in the message released here Friday. North Korea's official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) spoke more bluntly in a dispatch late Thursday. "We consider it necessary for your side to.... make a responsible decision to immediately cancel the projected Ulji Focus Lens and reinforcement and deployment of the US forces, which would aggravate the situation and drive it to the brink of war," it said.
    An 8th Army news release indicated that roughly 14,500 US soldiers were taking part in Ulchi Focus Lens 2003. However a Korean newspaper stated 8,000 ROKA soldiers and 6,500 US soldiers were taking part. It was not clear what numbers were involved.


    F-117A Stealth Fighters Visit Kunsan:

    F-117A stealth fighter planes were sent to take part for the first time in seven years in war games with American and South Korean forces. There is nothing secret about their arrival as it was last time -- but rather it is a media event. The media was invited on 14 Mar to Kunsan AB to view the aircraft and be briefed.


    F-117A at Kunsan (16 Mar 03)

    Background: 1993 at Kunsan It is interesting that seven years ago, Kim Il-Sung was practicing the same brinksmanship that his son is performing now dealing with the nuclear issue. Six F-117's from Holloman Air Force Base in New Mexico were expected to arrive on 14 March at Kunsan Air Base. The length of stay was not announced but it was assumed that it would be staying for the Foal Eagle which started March 4 and ends April 2, and the RSOI (Reception, Staging, Onward Movement and Integration) exercise slated for March 19-26.

    North Korea denounced the U.S. for sending the stealth fighters to South Korea for joint military exercises with the South. "The situation on the Korean Peninsula is lurching toward a grave phase of war," North Korea's official Central Broadcasting Station reported on 13 Mar, adding that the U.S. is plotting to deploy more troops and weapons on and around the peninsula to support the joint military exercises, which are aimed at a preemptive strike. North Korea to said the F-117A deployment was all part of a prelude to a pre-emptive strike on its Yongbyon nuclear power complex north of Pyongyang.

    There are a lot of similarities between the crisis in 1993 and the crisis in 2003. Though Team Spirit '93 was shelved, there was a curious news release on March 16, 1993 indicating the Team Spirit '93 DID take place. Or perhaps it would better be described as an operational exercise as North Korea was upping the ante on the nuclear issue and President Clinton was ready to go to war over it. Several F-117s from the 416th Fighter Squadron at Holloman AFB, N.M., along with about 90 members of the 49th Fighter Wing, deployed to Korea for a chance to define their capabilities in a different area.

    SUWON AB, Korea (AFNS) -- In its first Pacific deployment, the F-117 stealth fighter teamed up with the 8th Fighter Wing at Kunsan AB for Team Spirit '93. Several F-117s from the 416th Fighter Squadron at Holloman AFB, N.M., along with about 90 members of the 49th Fighter Wing, deployed to Korea for a chance to define their capabilities in a different area. U.S. and Republic of Korea forces stationed in Korea as well as other American forces deployed to the area participated in Team Spirit '93, which ends March 19. "Our pilots, maintenance crews and support personnel are receiving valuable experience working with the Kunsan team," said Lt. Col. Robert Marple, 49th FW deployment commander. With air refueling capability, the F-117 supports worldwide commitments and adds to the deterrent strength of the U.S. military forces. Team Spirit is a joint and combined training exercise designed to test the defensive capabilities of American and South Korean troops. This is the 17th Team Spirit exercise. The 1992 exercise was suspended in hopes of improving North and South Korean ties and reducing tensions on the peninsula. The first Team Spirit was conducted in 1976.

    (Go to Kunsan AB: 1993 for details of last visit. )

    F-117A Stay at Kunsan Extended: On 23 March we were on Kunsan AB when the F-117As were practicing "touch-and-goes" on the runway. It was impressive to watch these aircraft "turn on a dime" because of the flying-wing design. This is a truly formidable weapons system. An open house was offered to view the F-117A at the Alert Pad (C-pad) on the south side of base in the first week of April.


    F-117A with smart bombs (Source: Sharper Air Force)

    The folks of the 49th FW were housed in a tent city during their stay at Kunsan. The tent city was complete with a dayroom, internet, and a small bx. Of course, the folks used cots with sleeping bags and the tents aren't the same as home, but it looked fairly comfortable from the photos in the Wolf Pack Warrior.

    F-117As departed Kunsan on 5 June as the tension seemed to abate.


    Low-key Buildup (March-June 2003):

    According to a Reuters article on 2 Apr, the USFK announced that the F-117A Stealth fighters from the 49th FW at Holloman AFB, NM and F-15Es from the 3rd FW, 90th FS from Elmendorf, Alaska would remain "for more training and to enhance deterrence." About 85 percent of the U.S. forces that took part in the exercises will return to their bases by 4 April while the remainder will stay on in Korea for "ancillary training."

    The USFK said, "The departure date of the units remaining in the Korean Theater of Operations to continue training has not yet been determined." "Extending their training time in the Korean Theater of Operations affords excellent opportunity to further enhance inter-operability while also enhancing deterrence," it continued. "This limited number of forces includes personnel and aircraft from F-117 and F-15E units, and a small Army Task Force."

    F-117As and F-15Es at Kunsan and Osan The F-117A stealth fighters were actually a political pawn to reinforce the image of a preemptive strike capability to the North and pressure it into negotiations. Their stay would be dependent upon how the political situation in the North goes.


    49th FW F-117A Nighthawk

    On the other hand, the 20 F-15Es at Osan AB -- from Elmendorf's 3rd Wing, 90th FS -- were thought to most likely return home after the return of the USS Kitty Hawk (CV 63) and its battle group from Iraq waters. This did NOT happen. As of 23 May, both the 6 F-117As and 20 F-15Es were still in Korea. According to a 5 May PACAF story, the F-15s were identified as the 90th Expeditionary Fighter Squadron and were still at Osan. (Go to GlobalSecurity.org: Order of Battle: Korea for details.) (Site Note: Though the press releases stated the F-15s were at Osan, we wonder as the 90th in ALL its deployments to Korea have worked out of Kwangju which is fully equipped to handle the F-15 deployments from billeting facilities to gas trucks. Not a big point.) With the relaxation of tensions, on 31 May the unit was released to return home. Note that while in Korea, it acted as a salesman for the 40 F-15K fighters that will be procured for the ROKAF.


    F-15

    In addition, a Marine squadron of FA-18s arrived at Kunsan AB in May. Interestingly, the FA-18s presence was announced by the North Korean news agency, but the USFK has been silent. The FA-18s started flying night missions along with the 8th FW in mid-May.


    FA-18 Hornet

    On 23 May, the Japanese Daily Asahi stated that the U.S. forces in Japan were making more reconnaissance flights and had beefed up security for them by adding F-15 fighter escorts and using AWACS aircraft. The move was a response to the threats to a RC-135S "Cobra Ball" aircraft North Korea made in March.

    The U.S. forces also began night flights in May -- which coincided with the unusual amounts of night flights from Kunsan AB by both USAF F-16s and Marine FA-18s. The USAF in Japan has had five spy planes, including RC-135Ss and WC-135Ws, making regular flights since January, when the North Korean nuclear crisis pitched up. Also, the number of E-3 AWACS active in the effort rose from one to three. The E-3s were flying almost every day along with two F-15s - which is unprecedented. The flights used to be staged only during daylight hours, but beginning in May the RC135S started making night flights -- possibly to monitor missile launches at night by North Korea.

    The night flights was also probably prompted by the increased threat by North Korea to strike out at Japan with missiles. The almost irrational fear in Japan over a possible North Korean missile strike prompted the Japanese Diet in May to amend their constitution for war-powers contingencies -- with the major concerns being human rights infringements with the government's assuming war powers. This was a preliminary step to amending the "peace" constitution altogether as a direct result of the North Korean missile threat. Though the South continues its head-in-the-ground belief that their North Korean "brother" would never send missiles or WMD against their brethen, the Japanese have an irrational fear of a missile attack from North Korea -- especially one with a nuclear warhead. Because there is no effective early warning system for missiles at present -- as the promised Missile Defense System is years away -- and Patriot PAC-3 systems and SDF Aegis destroyers provide only limited coverage, an early warning of any launch is essential to increase shootdown probabilities. The Japanese have two spy satellites monitoring North Korea and plan to launch two more.

    The tensions seemed to abate around the end of May when 7th AF declared an extra day holiday for all USFK air force personnel. On about 28 May the 7th AEW with its B-52s and B-1s along with the 18th Squadron of F-16s and WC-130Hs were gone from Guam. The Marine FA-18s departed Kunsan at the end of May. The F-117As departed about 5 June from Kunsan.

    Army Units from the 1st ID (Task Force 2-34) The "small Army Task Force" is the 2nd Battalion, 34th Armor Regiment, an element of the 1st Infantry Division which arrived in Korea to participate in Foal Eagle in late February. Fort Riley, the base that the 2-34 Armor is from, indicated that between 400-500 soldiers were involved in the movement. (Go to GlobalSecurity.org: Order of Battle: Korea for details.) This unit is what is called a "round-out" unit in that it provides fills to personnel needs within an organization temporarily. (Go to GlobalSecurity.org: 2nd Battalion, 34th Armor Regiment for details on this unit.)

    On 4 May, a story in the Pacific Stars and Stripes reported that the 2nd Battalion, 34th Armor had received orders to return to Fort Riley in May and that it would begin to depart South Korea soon. As it turned out they would not leave until the 28th of May.

    According to GlobalSecurity.org, "It turns out that the 2nd Battalion, 34th Armor Regiment is not the only element of the 1st Infantry Division's 1st Brigade in Korea right now. Some unknown element of the 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment is also in Korea having deployed with the 2-34th for Foal Eagle according to the 19th Theater Support Command paper. According to the article the Task Force withdrew enough equipment for 2 armor companies, 1 mechanized infantry company, a field artillery battery, a headquarters element, and equipment for a forward support battalion." (SITE NOTE: We find this interesting that on 27 May, the U.S. conveyed a plan to Korea to preposition assets for a heavy brigade where it would be stored on transport vessels. The equipment would comprise 130 tanks and infantry fighting vehicles and 110 other vehicles, along with supplies and ammunition. This would offset the loss of the 148 M1A1 Abrams in Korea if the U.S. pulled off the DMZ.)

    Throughout the USFK soldiers and airmen were involuntarily extended due to the Iraq War siphoning off all the replacements. Similarly retirements were also held off in critical specialties. According to GlobalSecurity.org, "1,800 soldiers whose overseas rotation had been extended prior to the Iraq war have had their tours extended again. It is still not clear if this means that there has been an increase in the number of soldiers deployed to Korea or if that number has remained static."

    According to GlobalSecurity.org,"Task Force 2-34 returned from South Korea on May 28, 2003. The unit was believed to have had nearly 1,000 soldiers deployed."

    USS Kitty Hawk and USS Carl Vinson The USS Kitty Hawk (CV 63) left the Persian Gulf on 16 April for return to Yokosuka, Japan on 6 May. The USS Carl Vinson remained "in the area" until the USS Kitty Hawk was in the Pacific. However, in May 2003, reports from the Associated Press and Bremerton papers on May 15 indicate that the Navy has confirmed that the Carl Vinson's deployment had been extended until fall.

    The USS Kitty Hawk returned to Yokosuka on 6 May and the USS Carl Vinson was expected back in Yokosuka in early May. The USS Carl Vinson returned to Yokosuka -- the first visit of a nuclear carrier since 1997 -- and was said to be in place while the Kitty Hawk undergoes "repairs." The Kitty Hawk entered the Yard on 12 May. (See GlobalSecurity.org: Carrier Location for updates.) It was announced that a Marine squadron of FA-18s were at Kunsan AB about the same time the Kitty Hawk entered the Yard for repairs on 12 May. The USS Carl Vinson returned to Bremerton in Sep 2003. The USS Nimitz was to depart the Persian Gulf region and head to the Sea of Japan/East Sea to replace the Carl Vinson until the USS Kitty Hawk is able to deploy.

    7th AEW at Guam Military pressure on North Korea was being exerted by the 7th Air Expeditionary Wing that deployed to Guam after standing by in CONUS because of South Korean apprehensions. (See GlobalSecurity.org: Air Expeditionary Force for make up.) However, when an RC-135S was intercepted over the East Sea, the aircraft were deployed to Guam in March. (See North Korean Crisis: March for details.)


    B-52H Stratofortress

    The bombers started arriving at Guam on 6 March after being held in CONUS due to South Korean misgivings. However, on 14 April Typhoon Kujira cropped up. Even though Typhoon Kujira never directly hit Guam, all of the B-52 Stratofortresses, B-1B Lancers and their respective support to include airmen, equipment and aircrews were evacuated from the airfield in preparation for the storm April 14. The B-52s went to Fairchild AFB -- a former B-52 base -- and the B-1B went to Hickam. The aircraft are part of the 7th AEW that was assembled for the North Korean crisis. By 23 April, nearly all of the aircraft that had been evacuated from Andersen AFB have returned to Guam. Some aircraft were still at Fairchild and at Hickam due to maintenance issues but soon returned to Guam.


    B-1B Lancer

    The 7th AEW also included a Detachment, Helicopter Combat Support Sq with MH-60S. Also included was the 53rd Weather Reconnaissance Squadron with 100 airmen to support the squadron's WC-130H aircraft was ordered to deploy to Guam until December 15, according to the Clarion-Ledger on April 22, 2003.

    According to GlobalSecurity.org, "The May issue of Air Force Magazine revealed that the United States had sent some undisclosed number of F-16s to Andersen Air Force Base from the 18th Fighter Squadron of the 354th Fighter Wing on March 24, 2003 in an effort to improve the airbases "devensive posture in the Pacific region." A story in the Pacific Daily News on March 28, 2003 confirmed the story indicating that a squadron had deployed to the base but did not identify which squadron."

    The placement of the 7th AEW at Anderson AFB, Guam created a problem with transportation, housing and logistical support. The base was not equipped to handle such a large number of personnel. To offset some of the problems, members of the 7th AEW were integrated into the host base transportation pools and supply to assist with the overloads. This prompted the host base to create a "Contingency Group" to plan for future taskings.

    By May 27, 2003 nearly all of the bombers that had been sent to Guam were sent back to the United States. GlobalSecurity.org stated, "A report from Australian Broadcasting Corporation and a report from Reuters confirmed that all 12 B-52s from the 2nd Bomb Wing had returned and that 8 of twelve B-1Bs from the 7th Bomb Wing had returned to the US as well, with the remaining 4 to depart the island in the coming days." As of June 2003, there were no bombers on Guam.

    Marine 3rd Battalion, 8th Marine Regiment: On 22 May U.S. forces carried out a training exercise to move a Marine battalion stationed in Okinawa, Japan, to the Korean Peninsula. More than 600 Marines took part in the exercise designed to move the force rapidly by high speed vessel from Okinawa to the North Gyeongsang city of Pohang in less than 24 hours as part of a routine exercise conducted twice a year. This was the first to use the High Speed Vessel, which cut the time needed for deployment -- up to three days by amphibious vessels -- to less than half of that. The Korea Herald reported on May 23, 2003 that the 3rd Battalion, 8th Marine Regiment along with some element of the III Marine Expeditionary Force had arrived in South Korea for the Korean Incremental Training Program (KITP) which would take place May 28 through June 19. The KITP 03 consisted of live-fire and maneuver training designed in a building-block approach to culminate in a battalion-level field exercise. Units attached to 3/8 include a detachment from Truck Company, 3d Marine Division; Combat Engineer Platoon, Combat Assault Battalion; and Combat Service Support Detachment-33, 3d Force Service Support Group. The training lasted approximately three weeks at the 2nd Infantry Division's training ranges north of the Han River.

    On 24 June more than 500 U.S. Marines from 3rd Battalion, 8th Marine Regiment, III Marine Expeditionary Force departed for their base in Okinawa, Japan, and will make the transit in less than 24 hours using the High Speed Vessel. The HSV is capable of transporting approximately 1,000 passengers in comfortable reclining seats, along with more than 400 tons of cargo. The cargo deck can easily hold the numerous supplies, trucks, combat vehicles, tractor-trailers, water tankers, and other equipment needed by a Marine unit. According to Marine Lt. Col. Kenneth R. Martin, III Marine Expeditionary Force HSV Project Officer, the HSV is a transformation from how the Marine Corps has traveled in the past. The normal transit to or from Okinawa aboard ferry or amphibious shipping would take two to three days. Moving a Marine infantry battalion by air would take up to 17 days. "With use of the HSV, a battalion-sized unit with all associated vehicles and equipment can travel to its destination in one HSV run and arrive within 22-31 hours throughout most ports in the Area of Responsibility," said Martin.

    Though the KITP is a semi-annual exercise and is not related to any current world events, from this experience, on 19 Jun, U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz said in testimony to the House Armed Services Committee said that U.S. Marines in Japan could reach South Korea in just two days if there was an armed conflict on the peninsula. "They could be there in two days if there were a war," said Wolfowitz.

    On May 27, two British warships arrived to engage in combined naval exercises with the Korean 3rd Fleet. As part of the defense against the North's missile threat, a Japanese SDF Aegis destroyer patrolled the Sea of Japan (East Sea) between Japan. U.S. naval forces were also involved in this effort.

    (SITE NOTE: The units on the buildup have returned home in late May and early June, but we believe that the exercise was more than simply a one-time shot contingency. Guam has announced that there will be a Contingency Group set up and there are rumors that B-52/B-1 bombers may be assigned there on a rotational basis. At Kunsan, $2 million in permanent facilities for "follow-on storage" or billeting and "shower/shave" facilities are under construction by the 554th Red Horse. We still believe the 90th FS with their F-15s were at Kwangju rather than Osan, but we can't prove it. Regardless, those facilities have been constantly used by the 90th on past deployments and has billeting as well as hardened shelters and combat-turn servicing facilities (and pre-positioned refuel trucks). Regardless of whether they were used or not, the bottom line is that these facilities are ready to house future deployments on short notice. Paul Wolfowitz, deputy Defense Secretary, stated that the Marines from Okinawa could be back in Korea within 24 hours.)


    USS Carl Vinson arrives in Pusan

    The USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70) arrived at Pusan on 14 Mar to take part in two joint South Korea-U.S. military exercises. The nuclear powered carrier is to participate in the ongoing Foal Eagle exercise, which began March 4 and ends April 2, and the RSOI (Reception, Staging, Onward Movement and Integration) exercise slated for March 19-26.

    USS Carl s departed it homeport of Bremerton, Washington on January 13. The Navy's third Nimitz-class aircraft carrier, the ship was commissioned March 13, 1982, displaces more than 95,000 tons and carries approximately 75 combat and support aircraft. From its 4.5-acre flight deck, the carrier can quickly launch and recover the world's most modern military aircraft to operate with other elements of the U.S. Armed Forces as well as those of allied nations.

    On February 6, the Navy ordered the USS Carl Vinson and its Battle Group to the Western Pacific where it would replace the Kitty Hawk Battle Group and be in position to respond to any events that may develop regarding North Korea.


    USS Carl Vinson at Pusan (15 Mar 03)

    With the carrier USS Vinson's visit to Pusan, it seemed that there is a distinct impression given to the North that the U.S. was no longer taking a hands-off role favored by South Korea. There may be some truth that the U.S. was positioning its forces for a war footing. However, on 13 Mar Admiral Fargo of the Pacific Command told Congress that the possibility of war was "low." New York Times story on 13 Mar Admiral Fargo said, "We've arrayed forces to deter, not provoke a conflict."

    After the Foal Eagle 03 exercises, the USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70) remained "in the area." The following article was from Kashmir Times on 13 April. The USS Carl Vinson was still "in the area" but involved in the exercise Tandem Thrust 03 in Guam.

    US carrier watches N.Korea, crew ready for action

    By Masako Iijima

    ABOARD USS CARL VINSON, Western Pacific, April 13 (Reuters) - More than a hundred times a day, fighter jets catapult with a mighty roar from this aircraft carrier, deployed to keep an eye on secretive North Korea and its suspected nuclear ambitions.

    "What we're doing here is providing strategic deterrence. You don't have to drop a bomb to make a point," said 31-year-old Lieutenant Chad Gerber.

    "Nations that are considered a threat know what kind of training we have and that's what keeps the stability," added the F/A-18C "Hornet" pilot, who dropped bombs on Afghanistan a year and a half ago in operation "Enduring Freedom".

    The world's attention may be on Iraq, but the crew of the USS Carl Vinson plying the waters around Japan and the Korean peninsula to fill in for the USS Kitty Hawk, now deployed to the Gulf, are preparing for the day they may be called into action.

    The presence of the floating, nuclear-propelled warplane airport, a squad of B-52 and B-1 bombers which has been deployed to Guam, and several F-117A "Stealth" fighters on assignment in South Korea, are all part of a U.S. effort to remind Pyongyang that Iraq is not the only concern on its security radar.

    Tensions on the divided peninsula rose last year, when U.S. officials said North Korea had admitted to pursuing a secret nuclear arms program in violation of a 1994 pact.

    The crisis escalated after North Korea restarted a mothballed nuclear facility capable of making weapons-grade plutonium, test-fired missiles and intercepted a U.S. reconnaissance aircraft patrolling international airspace.

    SAME ROUTINE, DIFFERENT WORRIES

    The five-vessel Carl Vinson battle group launched some of the first Tomahawk missiles into Taliban-controlled Afghanistan and about 60 percent of the 5,200 crew members currently on board the aircraft carrier took part in that military operation.

    They may be veterans, but the 18 pilots on board still practice dropping cement-filled bombs each day.

    Mechanics work round the clock to repair damaged aircraft in the hangar under the airstrip where planes land with a thud, sending shudders through a vessel as tall as a six-story building.

    "Anyone with a desire to hurt someone is dangerous regardless of what fire power they may have," said Lt Aaron Parks, another veteran "Hornet" pilot.

    "Brush off that threat and you are in a dangerous situation."

    The battle group has just completed a month of war games with South Korea's military. Troops from the two countries, backed by warships and planes, practiced massive amphibious landings.

    The annual "Foal Eagle" exercise sparked criticism from Pyongyang, which described the large-scale training as a rehearsal for a nuclear attack.

    U.S. officials said North Korea test-fired a surface-to-ship missile of its own on April 1. Pyongyang has also used its official media to remind Tokyo that Japan is within range of North Korean military might.


    "North Korea has the equipment to do more damage (than Iraq), they could get us if they tried. But we are ready for that, that is what we train for, that is why we are here," said Chief Petty Officer Mitch Palmer, part of an aircraft maintenance crew.

    TONNES OF DETERRENCE

    Efforts to break the deadlock between the United States and North Korea have so far failed.

    Pyongyang insists on bilateral talks with Washington to solve the crisis, but the United States wants a multilateral forum that would include countries such as South Korea and Japan.

    The United States has some 100,000 troops stationed in Asia with most of them in countries neighbouring North Korea.

    About 37,000 of the region's U.S. military personnel are based in South Korea while Japan, which relies on the U.S. "nuclear umbrella" for a security deterrent, hosts around 48,000.

    With the Carl Vinson forward deployed, if worse came to worst, the United States would be capable of striking North Korea's nuclear complex at Yongbyong or any other target.

    "The carrier can go a long way in a short time and the aircraft on board can go a fair distance, so for us to go 500, 600, 700 km (435 miles) is certainly a do-able effort, if we wanted," said Rear Admiral Evan Chanik. But for the time being, the mission of the battle group is to monitor and prepare, not to provoke.

    Said Captain Brian Neunaber, the "Airboss", who coordinates the jets, tanking aircraft and helicopters taking off and landing on the flight deck: "If parking an aircraft carrier off the coast of someone's country helps regional security, that is what we do."
    The USS Carl Vinson departed Bremerton on 13 Jan and arrived in San Diego in 16 Jan. On 17 Jan, it began the JTFEX (Joint Task Force Exercises) and on 31 Jan it arrived at Pearl Harbor. On 6 Feb it deployed to Japan and arrived in Guam on 25 Feb. It arrived in Pusan for a visit on 14 Mar and remained "in the area" while the Kitty Hawk was in the Persian Gulf.

    The USS Carl Vinson departed the Korea area and on 14 Apr began Tandem Thrust 03. It pulled into Apra Harbor, Guam for a five-day port visit on 17-21 April. It was the aircraft carrier’s second port call to Guam during the ship's current deployment to the Western Pacific. Carl Vinson crewmembers pulled into Apra Harbor following one month of continuous operations at sea, during which the Carl Vinson Battle Group took part in exercises with allied forces from Japan and the Republic of Korea and joint U.S. forces in the region.

    The Carl Vinson Battle Group participated Exercise Tandem Thrust 03 (April 14 - May 5, 2003). Tandem Thrust is a U.S. Pacific Command-sponsored exercise designed to train and evaluate the 7th Fleet commander's staff as a designated Joint Task Force (JTF) headquarters. The exercise focuses on crisis action planning and execution of contingency response operations. U.S. Pacific Command units are conducting land, sea and air training throughout the Marianas Island training area, with some warfighting and support functions conducted from Hawaii.

    The USS Carl Vinson departed Guam on 21 Apr and arrived in Yokosuka in early May 2003. The bottom line was that the USS Carl Vinson carrier battle group was still engaged in Tandem Thrust until May 5th -- but really positioned "in the area" in case something comes up in the North Korean crisis.

    The USS Kitty Hawk (CV 63) left the Persian Gulf on 16 Apr for return to Yokosuka, Japan. On 21 Apr it was in the Indian Ocean and on 6 May 2003 returned to Yokosuka. (See GlobalSecurity.org: Carrier Location for updates.)

    In early May, the USS Carl Vinson was back in Yokosuka that signaled a buildup to some. Quickly it was announced that the reason was that it was to fill in for the USS Kitty Hawk while the former underwent "repairs." According to various news sources the Kitty Hawk was preparing to enter the yard for an "availability" and would not be able to deploy until October. Reports from the Associated Press and Bremerton papers on May 15 indicate that the Navy has confirmed that the Carl Vinson's deployment had been extended until December 2003.

    The pressure on the North increased incrementally when its threats increased -- and the USAF aircraft poised for a strike. The ROK military was put on a high state of alert beginning in March. Though the U.S. shrugged off the North's claims that the U.S. was preparing for war, the buildup provided justification in the North's eyes that the U.S. was indeed preparing for a preemptive strike.

    By 28 May, the tensions seemed to have abated and the USAF aircraft deployed in Korea and Guam were returned to their home stations. On August 13, 2003 that the USNS Observation Island, a naval intelligence vessel, stopped in Singapore being stationed offshore of North Korea and China monitoring potential missile tests.

    EPILOGUE: The USS Kitty Hawk was due out of the Yard in October and the tension in the area were reduced. As a result the Carl Vinson made one last port call at Pusan on Aug 29 through 1 Sep. Then it departed the area for home. It returned to Bremerton on 19 Sep 2003. In Sep the USS Nimitz departed the Persian Gulf to head to the Sea of Japan to replace the Carl Vinson until the USS Kitty Hawk is able to deploy. After the USS Kitty Hawk is seaworthy, the Nimitz will return to San Diego. In October, the USS Kitty Hawk left the dock for sea trials meaning that it can swiftly be converted to assume contingencies and will assume station soon. The USS Nimitz was released.


    Bolstered Forces Proposed:

    The U.S. proposed "bolstering" the forces by prepositioning equipment for a heavy brigade on transports offshore. On 27 May, the U.S. conveyed a plan to Korea to preposition assets for a heavy brigade where it would be stored on transport vessels. The equipment would comprise 130 tanks and infantry fighting vehicles and 110 other vehicles, along with supplies and ammunition. In addition, the Patriots were bolstered by 16 PAC-3 Patriot missiles. A new runway at Osan is proposed. The 2nd ID would become a lighter and mobile SBCT (Stryker Brigade Combat Team). (See U.S. Proposes Bolstering Forces for details.)

    On 2 June, the USFK unveiled its plan for forces buildup prior to the second ROK-US Future Alliance Meeting from 4-5 June. The plan was "to drastically enhance its war capability against the North by bolstering its forces with high-tech arms and deploying swift-action units as part of an $11 billion initiative over the next three years." In a 2 Jun Korea Herald article it stated that the plan also called for the U.S. military to improve its intelligence gathering capabilities and increase its stocks of precision joint direct attack munitions (JDAMS). The JDAMS is already being built up in Korea with praises over its ease of assembly as well as reduced inspection times after buildup. The initiative could include the deployment of upgraded PAC-3 Patriot missile systems along with the Apache Longbow multi-role helicopters.

    (SITE NOTE: Many people keyed in on the "$11 billion" figure without asking the question of whether the "150 improvements" over the "next four years" would benefit the U.S. overall (world-wide) fighting capabilities or actually be a direct benefit to Korea. Though not privy to the complete plan for the improvements, we would guess that the $11 billion figure was the lump sum of EXISTING programs -- but released to give the impression they were something NEW. For example, the multi-million dollar Apache AH-64A upgrade was something ALREADY in the mill. Another example would be the $250 million recently committed by Congress was to lock the ROK into committing OFFICIALLY to procure land in Osan/Pyongtaek. If you add previously programmed construction and upgrade programs stretching to 2007 for equipment, facilities and real property, you would have a significant total. We think this is the "shell game" the USFK played with great impact and skill. They created the impression of some fantastic NEW program when it really is a rehash of the old. The USFK is playing hardball negotiating and using the press to its advantage -- with the "$11 billion" figure publicized throughout the world. This placed the ROK on the defensive and exactly into the negotiating position the USFK intended. The ROK was playing with a very weak negotiating hand -- and the "$11 billion" figure made it weaker.)



    Gen LaPorte glossed over the spending issue when he stated the U.S. military currently spends about $3 billion per year to maintain troops in South Korea, but this does not include the other costs which run up to $20 billion annually. We believe was to defuse NGO activist complaints of the USFK being paid for fully by the ROK. This could also be a jibe at the ROK to increase its defense budget which is lower than expected for a nation facing an enemy across its border. At that time 2.7 percent of the Korean GNP was spent on defense. In response, Prime Minister Goh Kun said on 3 Jun that Korea should increase its defense budget in stages from next year till it is at least 3 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP). "Defense expenditure has been cut back every year during the five years of the previous administration. It now stands at just about 2.7 percent of the GDP," Goh said in a meeting with reporters at his residence. "In the future, the defense budget should rise to over 3 percent and increases should be implemented gradually from next year."
    (SITE NOTE: On 12 Jun the MND requested 22.3 trillion won (about $18.6 billion) for next year's budget, up 28.3 percent from this year and increased the budget to 3.2 percent of GDP. However, a lot of this is shadow politics as the Korean Security Council agreed to procure the very expensive AWACS for 2004 (over the objections of the ROKAF), while delaying procurement of the Patriots till 2007. In November 2002, the Unification Ministry stated that Korea would have to spend more than $30 billion to offset the defense capabilities of the U.S. troops stationed here if they should leave. The ministry also estimated the value of U.S. equipment and logistics at $14 billion, the equivalent of South Korea's yearly defense budget. Its reserve ammunitions for war, called War Reserve Stock for Allies, constitute about 60 percent of those needed for a possible war on the peninsula.)
    LaPorte outlined several SHORT-TERM reinforcements including the use of special, swift-response brigades, known as Stryker, which will be deployed on a rotational basis. This appears advance notice to the ROK to prepare it for the deployment of the 3d Brigade 2d ID this summer for tests in Korea. The USFK envisions the SBCT to replace the 2d ID on the DMZ -- and with it a reduction in forces.

    There are other reports that South Koreans feared Washington would foist changes on them by presenting them with a fait accompli. The announcements by Gen. LaPorte BEFORE the second ROK-US Future Alliance Policy Meeting appears to justify this thinking.

    At the same time, Korea has started its "poor mouth" campaign again. It does this whenever things are going against it and it wishes to delay a project until there is a better window of opportunity or to drag out an issue until it dies. This is an old Korean bargaining technique dating back to the 1980s when the Koreans first started entering the American markets. Most large foreign industries are aware of this technique and simply break off negotiations when it surfaces -- as in the latest car company mergers. Anyone suckered into this bargaining ploy will end up in a bottomless morass -- like the U.S. did in 1990 with the relocation of Yongsan. According to a Reuters report, "Seoul says its units on the DMZ are poorly equipped compared to U.S. units and if American troops withdrew, it would have to spend millions of dollars to compensate." The truth is it is not all that poorly equipped along the DMZ -- though the southern "training" corps would NOT be classified as battle ready. If the USFK withdrew from the DMZ there would be minimal impact -- though the Koreans would have to spend millions to relocate their reserve troops to Tongduchon with all its new multi-million dollar facilities intact.

    There is a lot of truth that the Koreans do need the U.S. high-tech armaments (i.e., Apache Longbows and Patriot PAC-3 missiles) to give it a weaponry advantage over the North. However, if you look at recent spending by the South Koreans they have reduced their defense spending over the past five years. The South Korean philosophy has always been to "go cheap." If there was a way to have their cake and eat it too, they have always opted for this avenue. For example, the Patriot PAC-3 were placed on order, but never firmed up as the U.S. provided the coverage. The list goes on and on. Especially important is that almost all of its intelligence is provided by the U.S. Faced with this fact, the South has admitted that without the U.S., it would be faced with a $20 billion annual defense bill. It also admitted that 60 percent of the wartime ammunition stores for their ROK forces was provided by the U.S. The list goes on and on. Suddenly the Koreans are being faced with a new reality with the U.S. DEMANDING they increase their cost share.


    35th FS F-16 Crash On 8 Sep, an F-16C from the 35th FS crashed on a training flight at about 10:05 am, 56 miles (90km) south-west of Kunsan. The F16 was on a routine mission in southern South Korea. The pilot ejected and the plane plunged into the sea off the western coast near Kunsan, about 90 miles south of Seoul.

    The pilot, Capt. Kevin Dydyk was on a routine training sortie. He safely ejected and was recovered by a Republic of Korea air force HH-47 from Chong Ju Air Base. 7th Air Force representative called a ROKAF representative who dispatched the helicopters for the rescue and recovery, said Col. Bill Coutts, 8th Fighter Wing vice commander.

    South Korean rescue helicopters combed the area and a ROK team rescued the pilot. "This was my first real life rescue of a human life," said ROKAF Senior Master Sgt. Seo, Ki Ju, the man who actually dove into the water to hoist Captain Dydyk to safety. "The weather was a big issue, but I made eye contact with the pilot in the water and that was a big help."

    Capt Kevin Dydyk was taken to the Kunsan AB medical facility around noon where he was pronounced in good condition. He arrived at Kunsan at approximately noon and was transported to the 8th Medical Group clinic here. Captain Dydyk, remarkably, was virtually unharmed.

    The cause of the crash was announced in Jan 2004 in the Wolf Pack Warrior. The investigation determined poor situational awareness and a poor technique for maintaining floor awareness was the likely causes of the crash into the Yellow Sea.

    According to the 9 Jan 2004 Wolf Pack Warrior, "...Captain Dydyk was flying lead in a two-ship formation conducting degensive basic fighter maneuver training over the Yellow Wea when the mishap occurred. On the sixth, and final mission engagement of the day he unknowingly set-up and began the engagement just 800 feet above the briefed maneuvering altitude limit "floor" of 5,000 feet above the sea." The report concluded that both pilots were in a position to discover the low altitude condition but neither gained enough situation awareness early enough to prevent the crash.

    The following is from a list at F-16C/D Fighting Falcon Serials. 89-2084/WP 1C-237 F-16CG Crashed, 09.09.03 (35th FS)


    PAC-3 Deployed in Korea The promised PAC-3 deployment to Korea was completed in September. The anti-missile system can hit ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and aircraft. The Patriot Advanced Capability-3 (PAC-3) system was part of an $11 billion plan to enhance US defenses in the ROK. "The upgraded Patriot system will bring enhanced defensive capabilities to the peninsula as well as contribute to the overall deterrence US forces bring to the alliance (with South Korea)," the 8th US Army said in a statement. "Part of the upgrade and new enhanced capabilities include the hit-to-kill technology to destroy incoming ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and aircraft," it said. An army public affairs official said the system had been deployed in July but had not been publicized until now because troops were being trained to operate the mobile air defense system. They are now trained. The PAC-3 fits 16 missiles into a launcher, compared with four on earlier versions. Each missile destroys its target through force of impact but also includes a conventional warhead that blasts fragments to destroy aircraft and cruise missiles.

    The following was from the 17 Sep Choson Ilbo

    USFK Completes Patriot PAC-3 Deployment

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    The U.S. Forces Korea has completed its deployment here of the latest Patriot PAC-3 anti-ballistic missiles, which have an improved missile-interception capability over the earlier generation PAC-2 model.

    Steve Boylan, information officer of the U.S. 8th Army command, said Tuesday that the PAC-3s had replaced some of the old PAC-2 missiles at the first artillery battalion of 43rd anti-aircraft artillery regiment. He said that introduction of PAC-3 missiles is part of more than 150 plans on which the U.S. military will spend $11 billion by 2006 to boost its war-fighting capabilities.

    The number of PAC-3 missiles deployed will not be disclosed, for security reasons, Boylan said.

    The PAC-3 Patriot missile uses the direct-hit method - meaning it strikes the target and detonates rather than getting near the target and detonating, as the PAC-2 does. It features increased accuracy and is expected to improve the USFK's ability to intercept North Korean missiles such as the SCUD and Rodong-1. The PAC-3 is 5.2 meters long and 25 centimeters in diameter and can intercept ballistic missiles up to 20 kilometers away.

    Since 1994, the USFK had deployed 48 Patriot missiles, or one battalion's worth, in Osan, Suwon and Gunsan. The 8th Army command will display the PAC-3 to the media on Thursday at Suwon Airfield.

    The following is a 10 Oct 2003 Flash presentation from Tongil Newsof candid photos of ROK/US installations from the JSA to the Chinhae port. Attached to article of 50th Anniversary of the Korean War. Though anti-US in intent, there are some nice candid shots. Click here.


    Shortages of Chemical Warfare Suits Chemical warfare suits are a way of life at Kunsan, but there is some disturbing news. In 2002, defects were found in one in ten suits, but there was no way of recalling them as the defect was internal. In the war in Iraq, the U.S. was lucky that there was no chemical attacks reported to find out who were the lucky ones with good suits.

    Now a new problem...not enough suits in the future. The following was Associated Press report was on 23 SepL

    DOD Still Short On Chemical Suits

    Associated Press
    September 23, 2003

    WASHINGTON - The Pentagon doesn't have enough protective suits to keep U.S. troops safe from chemical or biological attacks, congressional investigators said Monday.

    Inventories of the suits are millions short of what the Pentagon says it needs and the shortages will worsen in coming years under current spending plans, the General Accounting Office report said. The problem is compounded by the use of thousands of the suits during the war in Iraq and the looming expiration dates of some older suits, the report said.

    The full report was classified, but the GAO released an unclassified summary. That summary said the Pentagon agreed with recommendations to consider stockpiling parts of the suits and to better determine how many of the suits are needed.

    The Defense Department has had long-standing problems with inventories of protective gear. The Pentagon recalled about 800,000 defective suits in 2000 but had accounted for only about 550,000 of them by last October, Defense Department officials testified at a House subcommittee hearing then. Congressional investigators also have documented the military's problems with keeping track of the suits and their expiration dates.

    Raymond Decker of the GAO said at the October hearing that those problems put American troops at risk in a chemical or biological warfare environment.

    Although President Bush said he ordered the invasion of Iraq because Saddam Hussein's regime had chemical and biological weapons, none were used and none have been found. U.S. troops often used their protective suits during the Iraq war because of false alarms, however.

    Before the war in Iraq, the military had about 4.5 million of the protective suits, including about 1.5 million of the newest and safest version.

    The military says it needs a stockpile of about 7 million suits, the latest GAO report said. The current stockpile is set to increase to about 6 million next year, but then fall back to about 4.5 million by 2007, the report said.

    Several factors increase the Pentagon's risk of not having enough protective gear, the report said. The military relies on foreign suppliers for some critical components of the suits. Inconsistent and unpredictable yearly funding means large numbers of suits will expire at the same time.

    The ability of suit manufacturers to quickly increase production in a crisis is unclear, the report said. That means there could be a delay between when the military ran out of suits in a major war and when the companies could make enough replacement suits, the report said.
    Shadow Unmanned Spy Plane Deployed An AFP report on 23 Sep indicated that the USFK had deployed the Shadow 200 Tactical UAV unmanned spy planes in the ROK as part of a 11-billion-dollar defense build-up plan against the DPRK. The 8th US army said in a statement it would test-fly its new "Shadow-200" unmanned surveillance planes from Camp Mobile in Dongducheon, Gyeonggi Province near the border on 26 Sep. It said the system was to "contribute to the overall deterrence US forces brings to the alliance" with the ROK by offering "real time, accurate and relevant intelligence of the battle field." It is "part of the planned 11 billion dollar investment over the next several years in some 150 programs to enhance US defensive capabilities in support of...US forces (in) Korea," it said.

    "The maiden flights ended in success," The exact number of the Shadows deployed in the ROK was not released but the spokesman said "several" were put into operation. The new spy plane, already operational during the US-led war in Iraq, is designed to fly for up to five hours, providing "real time, accurate and relevant intelligence of the battle field," he said. The deployment of the surveillance planes in the ROK is part of an 11 billion dollar US defense build-up plan against the DPRK.

    The Stryker was planned to replace the 2d ID along the DMZ. The plans for the deployment of the 3d Bde 2d ID SBCT to Iraq is still in Congress. The deployment of the only certified SBCT to Iraq would slow the transition in Korea until atleast 2004. Thus we find it interesting that some elements of the SBCT are showing up for "testing" already.

    The reconnaissance function with unmanned reconnaissance aircraft will be of vital importance in obtaining real-time combat information. The UAV (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles) provide real time reconnaissance. The decision has not been made as to which UAV vehicle will be used, but the Shadow is preferred by those who have used it as the Predator has a very restricted field of view and requires technical assistance to interpret the pictures.

    The Shadow is part of the Reconnaissance, Surveillance and Target Acquisition (RSTA) Squadron element for the Stryker Interim Brigade Combat Team (SBCT). One of the key features of the teams is the RSTA element, equipped with Shadow unmanned aerial vehicles - a type of drone - to "see the enemy over the hill," the Prophet electronic intelligence system and the Javelin portable anti-tank missile. In traditional combat, soldiers typically first found the enemy in a direct encounter and then maneuvered on the enemy. But with units such as the RSTA Squadron, the unit will know before they come in contact with the enemy, where the enemy is.

    Because of this development, one can hypothesize that the SBCT's Prophet electronic intelligence system and the Javelin anti-tank weapons are to show up soon -- or are here already -- for integration testing.

    Friction Between the DOD and Chiefs of Staff There is a lot of politics involved in the "New Army." The new Army Chief of Staff, Gen. Peter Schoomaker, was brought out of retirement and jumped over numerous and still-active Army generals generals waiting in the wings. (NOTE: This is only the second time this has been done. President Kennedy brought Gen Max Taylor out of retirement during the Cuban Missile Crisis.) Schoomaker retired as a four-star General in 2000 as commander in chief of United States Special Operations Command (USSOC). This move, which passed over numerous Army generals, revealed Rumsfeld's intent to change the shape and direction of the Army as well as the rest of the military.

    In the past, there was a lot of bad blood between the Donald Rumsfeld and Paul Wolfowitz and the Chiefs of Staff. Rumsfeld had systematically chopped off the Chiefs of Staffs for each of the services at the kneecaps. They no longer were free to appoint their own staffs. The best example of the bad blood is how Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz had been at odds with the previous Chief of Staff Eric Shinseki. Rumsfeld announced General Shinseki's replacement 15 months early thereby rendering Gen Shinseki into a lame duck and effectively tossing his vision to transform the Army into the trash can. The bad blood went so far that both Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz failed to attend Shinseki's retirement ceremony -- something unheard of in recent times.

    The head-butting was over a multitude of issues from equipment procurement to manning. For example, in late February 2003 Gen. Shinseki told the Senate Armed Services Committee that he thought "something in the order of several hundred thousand" troops would be needed to occupy Iraq. "We're talking about a post-hostilities control over a piece of geography that's fairly significant, with the kinds of ethnic tensions that could lead to other problems," Shinseki said. Two days later, Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz told a House committee that Shinseki's projections were "wildly off the mark" and added that it was "not a good time to publish highly suspect numbers." Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld later said that Shinseki "misspoke himself." Shinseki, through a spokesman, declined to back down. Shinseki has since been proven right. Former Army secretary Thomas White, forced out because of his frequent run-ins with Rumsfeld, said in an interview in Jun 2003 that senior Defense officials "are unwilling to come to grips" with the scale of the postwar U.S. obligation in Iraq.

    In addition, there has been a lot of friction over Rumsfeld's vision and how the Army wanted to operate. Though Rumsfeld's primary objective is to streamline the military into a information-based 21st Century fighting force, he also has the objective of reasserting civilian control over the Pentagon and reining in a Joint Staff that the defense secretary believed had become too powerful and independent of civilian control. Rumsfeld felt that officers were acting at times as though they were not subordinate to their civilian bosses.

    In fact, one of the first acts that Rumsfeld fielded was to proclaim that there was only one CINC (Commander-in-Chief) -- the President. The traditional titles for military commanders was banned -- and the image was that Rumsfeld was subordinating the military to civilian governance. (NOTE: Interestingly Gen Schoomaker's resume shows him as "CINC-USSOC".)

    As they came into office before the 9-11 incident, the Bush team had a wrecking ball and aimed to take out a lot of military personnel. Notably missing from the 2003 Defense Bill was the Army's new mobile howitzer system, the Crusader, that Rumsfeld killed on grounds that it was too heavy to deploy to distant battlefields; the F-22 stealth fighter; and Commanche attack helicopters. In 2002, we wrote that there were significant military program cuts and a growing rift caused by Rumsfeld's objective to not only modernize the military, but also reign in the Pentagon under civilian control. (See Cuts in Military Strength Shelved, Cuts in Military Hardware Continue & Growing Rift in Defense Department for details.)

    After the Sept 11th attack, Bush backpedalled on his vision for the military and reshaped it to fit the new reality of the war on terrorism. Now, the military transformation promised by Bush is simply a high-tech addition to the existing military that many still believe is outmoded and designed to fight a Soviet Union that no longer exists. Traditional forces -- tanks, armored-personnel carriers and short-range attack jets -- may not be appropriate to fight elusive 21st-century foes, such as the al-Qaeda terrorist network. However, the carrier task forces that Bush sought to pare down proved to be the backbone of the Afghanistan effort. The military hardware of the past cannot simply be abandoned because unpredictable adversaries like North Korea with large conventional armies still exist.

    There were substantial funding increases for precision-guided weapons, advanced communications equipment, spy satellites and unmanned aerial vehicles were approved. All of these advanced systems proved invaluable to the U.S. military in its war in Afghanistan. The idea is to improve intelligence gathering and shorten the time it takes for intelligence to reach fighter pilots or troops in the field. The budget also included increases for developing a national missile-defense system, a top priority for the president, and money to convert four Trident submarines from nuclear-weapons carriers to launch vessels for conventional cruise missiles.

    The defense bill includes a 4.1 percent pay raise for military personnel and almost all the $7.4 billion Mr. Bush requested to keep developing a national missile defense system. The defense bill also provides $3.3 billion for 15 C-17 transport aircraft, $2.3 billion for two Aegis destroyers, $3.2 billion for 46 Navy F/A-18 E/F fighters and $3.5 billion to continue developing the Joint Strike Fighter. Another $249 million is allotted for Navy Tomahawk cruise missiles, a prime weapon in the Persian Gulf War. Notably missing is the Army's new mobile howitzer system, the Crusader, that Rumsfeld killed on grounds that it was too heavy to deploy to distant battlefields; the F-22 stealth fighter; and Commanche attack helicopters.
    Though Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz have tried to mend the fences with the Chiefs of Staff for each of the services after Gen Shinseki retired, their efforts have only been half-hearted and in fact, interpreted as backhanded compliments at best. The latest slap to the Army was the appointmet of Gen Schoomaker who was brought out of retirement and bypassing all eligible active four-star generals. He is only the second to be appointed from the retired ranks when it was done during the Cuban Missile Crisis by President Kennedy. If the point was not made before, it was sent home by this message.

    Overhauling the Army It seems that the Army will be making some dramatic changes in the future. When Gen. Shinseki came up with his vision for a new military in 1999, it was based upon the premise that the world conflict was in a state of "pause." This concept that brought about units suited for peace-keeping actions , such as the Interim Stryker Combat Team. However, along came 9-11, Afghanistan and Iraq and now the U.S. is at war. There is no longer "a pause" in hostilities. The forces are stretched to their limits and the conceptualized equipment needs for the 21st Century has been changed.

    The first task that Gen Schoomaker has undertaken is to overhaul the Army. An article by Sean Naylor on Trackpads.com on 29 Sep 2003 stated, "The U.S. Army will drastically redesign its combat forces, starting next year with the 3rd Infantry Division (Mechanized) and 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault), to create more brigade-size units to rotate into combat zones. These new "brigade units of action" will be smaller than today's divisions, but might include division-level assets, such as artillery and aviation. In theory, they will gain back what they give up in size by connecting through digital networks to other Army, joint and allied units. The Army wants the first of the brigades ready to deploy within a year, possibly to Iraq."

    Gen Schoomaker wants to make the Army "more joint, expeditionary and modular." He foresees converting one heavy division to a light division and reducing the number of different types of aircraft from four to two. The vision seeks to create a light, fast-reacting force -- smaller than brigade size -- that is expeditionary in nature.

    What the impacts of these changes on the USFK will be is anyone's guess.




    Relocation of USFK Forces in Future:

    In Feb 2003, this suddenly became a real issue. Plans are for discussions to start in April 2003. Realistically, the forces will probably not be relocated until the North's nuclear crisis is over -- or if the U.S. has taken out the North in a pre-emptive strike. Whichever comes first. Our opinion is that these relocations are being used as a bargaining chip in upcoming SOFA talks for Korea to increase its defense share. The basic framework of the discussions are to relocate SOME of the USFK troops, south of the Han River. Proposals are somewhere between Taejon and Seoul.

    How will this affect Kunsan? With the talks of the relocation of Yongsan, it is appropriate to remind folks what was said in Jan 2002 about what is in store in the future for Kunsan. "US has shifted its focus from troop-oriented warfare to technology-oriented warfare, so Osan and Kunsan bases are becoming more important," according to Donald Gregg, former US ambassador to Korea.

    Background: (Go to Land Partnership Plan (2002) for more information. Go to USFK: LPP if on an authorized USFK computer.)

    A Jan 2002 Yonhap News article concerning the Land Partnership Plan stated:

    "11 Jan 2002
    USFK to Regroup Troops Into 7 Areas of the Country

    The U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) will regroup its troops into seven areas of the country, with Seoul and the vicinities having command and control and army training facilities. This was revealed by Col. Robert Durbin when he discussed the Master Plan 2010 of the USFK at a discussion meeting on the housing problem in Yongsan garrison held at the Korea Institute of Defense Analyses Friday afternoon. Under the plan, the USFK will have major command and control posts, including the joint Korea-U.S. command and control post, and army training grounds in two areas of Seoul and the vicinities and the air force command and control post and major army combat support facilities in two areas of Kyonggi Province. A major air force base will be located in Kunsan , while major naval support facilities and major army combat support facilities will be situated in two areas of North and South Kyongsang provinces. The USFK returned 97,099 pyong (one pyong is 3.3 square meters.) of the land in its use to South Korea in 1991 and will return 33,621 pyong more by closing seven additional bases and relocating some bases to areas south of the Han River under its land planning program , Col. Durbin said. The USFK's official position is that it is ready to relocate Yongsan base whenever the alternative base and facilities are available , he added. Seoul will see the number of families of USFK service people increase from 1,247 now to 1,567 in 2010, Osan from 286 to 509, Pyongtaek from six to 1,662 and North and South Kyongsang from 299 to 1,033, while Pusan will see no increase from the current 141 families , the colonel said. Accordingly, the number of USFK families will increase from 1,979 now to 4,912 in 2010 and the USFK service people living with their family members in the country, expressed as a percentage of the total, will increase from 10 percent now to 25 percent in 2010. The strength of the USFK fell from 41,000, with the single representing 70 percent, in 1970 to 37,000, with the married accounting for 60 percent, now. Only 10 percent of the married are provided with housing here in South Korea against 74 percent in Europe and 72 percent in Japan. This is why South Korea is the country U.S. service people, especially command-level officers, most hate to serve in, the colonel said." (Source: KPP20020111000074 Seoul Yonhap in English 1000 GMT 11 Jan 02)

    Under the Land Partnership Plan (LPP), the USFK will close 28 of its 41 major installations and facilities, including three in Seoul. It will also shut down three training ranges in Paju, Tongduchon and Pochon. The operations will be consolidated into other "stable" camps. The USFK will return a total of 41.14 million pyong of land over the next 10 years -- more than half of the granted lands. Overall, the additional land to be returned is around 2.5 million square meters, while the US will get about 2.7 million square meters in the new agreement. According to the Korea Times on 29 March:

    Cps. Grant, Stanton, Edwards, Howze, Greaves and Garry Owen in Paju will be consolidated with Cp. Casey or Cp. Stanley in Tongduchon, while the six small bases, including Cp. Kyle, which are located in Uijongbu and Tongduchon, will be merged with Cp. Casey or Cp. Stanley.

    Cp. Colbern in Hanam, Kyonggi Province, and some part of Cp. Long in Wonju, Kangwon Province, will be consolidated with Cp. Humphreys in Pyongtaek, while 260,000 pyong of government-granted land outside the Kunsan Air Base will be returned to the government.

    Meanwhile, the two sides agreed that 1.54 million pyong of new land would be granted in return for USFK's consolidation of bases and training facilities. The U.S. requested 500,000 pyong of new land in Osan, 300,000 pyong in Uijongbu, 240,000 pyong in Pyongtaek, 2,000 pyong in Inchon, 200,000 pyong in Ichon in Kyonggi Province, 31,000 in Chilgok and 100,000 pyong of land for a marine corps training facility in Pohang, North Kyongsang Province.

    These articles were published in 2002 so it should not have been a shock when it was implemented in 2003. However, what changed was the North Korean nuclear issue. In October 2002, the North dropped its bomb shell and it has been going down hill ever since. At the same time, the anti-American campaigns were going full force and thus drove an anti-Korea backlash. Where it was fashionable before to shout "Yankee Go Home" when there was relative peace, it is quite different when the heat is turned up and a potential war is faced.

    FEBRUARY 2003

    Rumsfeld Announces the US will Relocate: In 2003, the tensions on the Korean Peninsula over North Korea's nuclear weapons program had steadily increased. In Seoul in Feb 2003, the jitters started to affect the expatriate business community as tensions grew. Some foreigners had already left for home for fear of possible war on the peninsula and others had cancelled reservations at deluxe hotels. Some American firms with Korean branches e-mailed their employees in other branches, telling them to avoid business travel to South Korea or Japan for the time being.

    Then in Feb 2003, Donald Rumsfeld stated that he envisioned a force concentrated around "an air hub and sea hub." He did not elaborate, but it was apparent that he spoke of Pusan as the "Sea Hub" in South Kyongsang Province with a large training area near Pohang, just above Pusan in North Kyongsang Province. The air hub is not so clear, but Osan and Pyongtaek have been mentioned. However, Osan/Pyongtaek is limited in size and expansion capabilities, but Kunsan has more than ample possibilities for expansion with the new tidal reclamation areas. (SITE NOTE: The proposed farm lands in the reclaimed areas are now being rethought as the rice consumption in Korea is dropping rapidly.)

    What was panicking people was that the Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld bluntly told the Koreans that the US WILL "rebalance and restructure" the USFK forces -- including possible reductions. Rumsfeld was reacting to the anti-Americanism that was rampant in 2002 -- and the new President Roh's demands to renegotiate the military "alliance." Though Roh had tried to reverse his image of being anti-American, he did not convince many because of his continued statements and actions to the contrary. The anti-Americanism that was rampant in 2002 is still exhibited in the anti-War movement rallies in Seoul -- though Roh has stopped the anti-American rhetoric.

    Understandably, the folks in Seoul, who are under the barrels of 10,000 North Korean artillery pieces, were very nervous as to any mention of the USFK pullback. The scenario that the Koreans painted was that if the USFK should remove their "tripwire" units from the DMZ, the North would most certainly launch an attack. Millions would die in Seoul.

    MARCH 2003

    South Fears North Will Attack if USFK Relocates: The South had great concerns that without the USFK "tripwire" the North would attack. According to the North's game plan, it would first launch an initial chemical attack to breach the DMZ. Meanwhile, they send in their commandos to disrupt the infrastructure (communications/transportation/water). After the South's DMZ forces had been neutralized, they would launch their attack on Seoul with their massive numbers of vehicles. The best they could hope for is the capture of Seoul and then sue for peace -- holding Seoul hostage. The North hopes to trap the bulk of the residents in Seoul and use them as human shields against reprisals. The North would consolidate their forces around Seoul -- and if they were in a good position, press their attack to take the rest of the peninsula. However, that would be dream stuff. The most the North can hope for would be to breach the DMZ and surround Seoul -- and then sue for peace.

    But the key point is that in this attack a whole bunch of South Korean civilians will die. The South is desperately trying to convince the U.S. that the relocation of the forces would be a bad move at this time. However, the talks are scheduled in April 2003 to discuss the framework for the renegotiations. Given the current international circumstances, the U.S. will enter the negotiations with an upper-hand.

    Reality Check: But being realistic, any movement will NOT happen in the immediate future. The relocation time-table is set at about 4 years for complete turnover of Yongsan -- though the movement of the USFK on the DMZ could be done immediately.

    We believe that currently all the talk of relocation from the DoD sources is viewed by the Koreans as a method to gain negotiating chips for bargaining during the upcoming talks for "restructuring" of the alliance. Therefore, their starting strategy is to oppose any movement or reduction of forces.

    On the other hand, the U.S. may use the anti-Americanism of 2002 -- which is still present in 2003 -- as justification for their movement. Along with the change in its global military strategy. The stationing of a permanent force limits its bargaining ability with North Korea -- especially since the South will not back it in taking a strong stance. The operative word is "tripwire" which the U.S. public now finds very offensive.

    However, no one is certain what is up the sleeve of the U.S. in the forthcoming talks, though the negotiations will request Korea for increased share of costs for maintaining the U.S. troops in Korea. One thing is certain that the "tripwire" will be removed. It has limited the actions of the U.S. President in dealing with North Korea from the days of Jimmy Carter who wanted the U.S. troops out for this reason -- as well as human rights violations of the Park Chung-Hee regime.

    Another thing that is certain is that the U.S. is no longer will to accept the "poor-mouth" stall of the South Koreans over the relocation of the Yongsan complex. It announced that it had moved up the timetable for the relocation to four years. Now the talk is that the move could come within months. The original Land Partnership Plan (LPP) formulated plans for the relocation in 2010. However, because of the recent anti-Americanism -- and inaction by the Korean government to curtail it -- coupled with the problems of dealing with North Korea while the South wants to go in an opposite direction, the US wants the time-table moved up.

    The Koreans wish to "negotiate" the relocation costs down. They want their cake and eat it too. The US wants to relocate -- per the 1990 MOU with Korea -- and will not take "no" for an answer. If the ROK wants to go cheap, the US will simply reduce its forces to meet the negotiated price -- which is exactly what it wants to do.

    The U.S. expends almost $20 billion annually to support the troops in Korea which could be better spent elsewhere. As the Roh Administration wants to revise the SOFA, the cost sharing items are on the table. It will also press Korea to pick up the tab for relocation costs -- which the ROK wishfully thinks will be in the $3.2 billion range, though the USFK stated in the past it would be $9.5 billion -- and focusing the limelight on Korea as the reason for the current unrest in Seoul because it was unwilling to follow through with the 1990 MOU on the relocation of Yongsan and was the root cause of the problem. In the past, the Koreans have viewed the U.S. as NEVER leaving Korea because it supposedly met the U.S. interests. However, times have changed -- especially after 9-11. Stationing ground troops on the DMZ is NOT in the vision for the mobile U.S. Army of the 21st Century.

    Prime Minister Goh Says USFK Needed as "Tripwire": As the moves to relocate the USFK south of the Han River was being taken seriously by the Koreans, Prime Minister Goh remarked that he was against the U.S. relocating south of the Han and the Korea needed the US forces as a "tripwire." The remark by Prime Minister Goh over the troops being a "tripwire" stirred some remarks by Washington officials. A Choson Ilbo article on 20 Mar stated:

    U.S. Says No More 'Tripwire'

    by Joo Yong-joong (midway@chosun.com)

    WASHINGTON - A high-level official at the U.S. Defense Department said this week that the tripwire function of the U.S. forces near the Demilitarized Zone was outdated. The official, who requested anonymity, told Korean correspondents that the expression applied to the situation 10-30 years ago, and that Americans wanted such expressions done away with. The official said that if a war broke out here in this age of missiles, North Korea would target American air bases from the beginning.

    The official also said that Washington wanted to relocate the Yongsan base in central Seoul as soon as possible, maybe within months, and that the two big bases north of the Han River should be relocated south of the river within years. Osan and Pyeongtaek were mentioned as possible relocation areas.

    He stressed that the American defense treaty was stronger than ever but that if the Koreans wished, U.S. troops in Korea could leave tomorrow. Washington wants a new blueprint for the next 50 years of U.S.-Korea relations to be made before October, when the alliance turns 50, he said. Washington wants talks on how to make the relationship more balanced, as President Roh Moo-hyun has requested, but wants Seoul to take on added roles and responsibilities, the official said.

    DoD Counters With Reports to Reduce Troop Levels: In an article carried on 19 Mar by Kyodo News Service, Pentagon spokesman Jeff Davis was reported to have said, "The Pentagon plans to reduce the number of U.S. troops in South Korea to about 30,000." However, on 20 Mar the DoD denied a report that Washington plans to reduce the 37,000-strong U.S. Forces Korea presence by 7,000 troops.

    At the same time there are reports from other "U.S. defense official sources" about troop reductions. The Seoul government appears to be wary of recent remarks calling for a realignment and reduction of U.S. troops stationed here as the international standoff over North Korea's suspected nuclear weapons program remains unresolved. In a meeting with Korean correspondents in Washington on 18 Mar, a senior U.S. defense official said the United States would be prepared to withdraw its troops from South Korea at any time if the Seoul government requests it.

    According to the NK.Choson.com, South Korea and the U.S. will be discussing how to increase the former's role in their bilateral military alliance, including the transfer of wartime command to the South Korean side. Pentagon officials are active about discussing relocation of a U.S. Army garrison from downtown Seoul, and size readjustments in U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) will call for revisions in land lease agreements with the U.S. The following is from NK.Choson.com on 22 Mar:

    USFK Bases to Be Relocated in Four Years

    The Ministry of National Defense announced Thursday that Defense Policy Director Cha Yeong-gu and United States Undersecretary of Defense for East Asia Richard Lawless had discussed the agenda and dates for the joint policy consultation on the future Korea-America alliance to be held in April. Changes in the Korea-America alliance, the relocation and reduction of United States Forces Korea, and alterations in the line of command were addressed at the meeting.

    Two bases in urban areas; Uijeongbu and Dongducheon will be moved south of the Han River initially, and the Yongsan Base in Seoul will be moved within four years, instead of the eight years, which had been set previously.

    The US side met with Deputy Foreign Minister of Foreign Affairs Lee Tae-shik in the morning, and is known to have exchanged opinions on the USFK relocation and Korean American cooperation in case of a war in Iraq.

    By Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    Roh Will Not Discuss Reduction or Relocation of USFK Forces: On 21 March President Roh Moo-hyun that he would NOT discuss the reduction of U.S. forces in South Korea until the North Korean nuclear situation is fully resolved. In addition, Roh assured the public there was no need to be concerned that Washington would target North Korea after the war with Iraq. He earlier claimed South Korea and the United States had entered a "transitional period" in their bilateral relationship.

    However, despite all that Roh WANTS, the Bush administration may have other ideas. Roh wanted to be treated as an "equal partner" and may soon find that "equal partner" means sharing the financial load "equally" as well. Roh wants a SOFA comparable to Japan, but where Japan provides housing for 79 percent of married personnel, Korea only has facilities for 10 percent. Korea has not done its share. If Roh's idea is for Korea to contribute little financial support for the USFK while the U.S. continues to foot the majority of the bill, he may find the troops being reduced whether he WANTS them to be left in Korea or not.

    APRIL 2003

    Seoul Denies USFK Relocation "Rumors": On 4 Apr the Korean government denied reports the United States would start to relocate its forces stationed on the DMZ to south of the Han River starting in October 2003. Ra Jong-yil, senior presidential adviser for national security, said the two countries had yet to agree on the redeployment issue. The Joongang Ilbo on 4 April that stated that the U.S. intended to push this in the upcoming negotiations in April. However, this was refuted by the Ministry of Defense. "We want to make it clear that the report by the JoongAng Ilbo newspaper is not factual," Brig. Gen. Hwang Young-soo, the ministry spokesman. They refuted the articles stating that Richard Lawless, the U.S. deputy assistant defense secretary for East Asia, told his South Korean counterpart Cha Young-koo that Washington intends to move the combat unit to the area south of Seoul's Han River at the latter half of this year.

    U.S. seeks troop pullback

    Intends to redeploy 2d Division this year

    The United States has officially informed South Korea that it intends to pull back its troops from inter-Korean border areas during the second half this year, government sources said yesterday.

    “In a video conference on March 24, Richard Lawless, the Pentagon’s top policymaker on Korea, told his South Korean counterpart, Lieutenant General Cha Young-koo, about Washington’s intention to move the U.S. 2d Infantry Division to the area south of the Han River during the second half of this year,” a senior government official said on condition of anonymity.


    Mr. Lawless, deputy assistant secretary for Asian and Pacific affairs at the U.S. Department of Defense, is the chief negotiator of the Future of the Alliance Policy Initiative, established by the two countries’ defense ministers in December. General Cha, assistant minister for policy at the Ministry of National Defense, is the South Korean chief negotiator.

    General Cha tried to persuade Mr. Lawless that relocating the 2d Infantry Division this year is impossible, due to the difficulty of finding an alternate site, the official said. General Cha also stressed that the relocation should be implemented after the North Korea’s nuclear aspirations are resolved.

    Mr. Lawless reportedly did not mention any force cut.


    The U.S. 2d Infantry Division, about 15,000 strong, is the largest American unit in South Korea. Most of the division is deployed in Dongducheon, Gyeonggi province, 25 kilometers (15 miles) southeast of the inter-Korean Military Demarcation Line. The division headquarters is in Uijeongbu, 35 kilometers southeast of the border.

    Stationed within range of North Korea’s conventional artillery, the troops have been seen as a “tripwire,” an assurance of automatic U.S. involvement in the event of a North Korean attack. U.S. officials, however, recently have reacted sensitively to this description. Washington has long demanded that Pyeongyang withdraw its conventional weapons deployed along the border.

    The Los Angeles Times reported Wednesday that the Pentagon wanted to start the realignment in the 2004 fiscal year, which begins in October.

    The Pentagon hopes to begin moving its Yongsan garrison out of Seoul next year, Mr. Lawless reportedly told General Cha. Such a move would be possible in five years, due to budget and alternate site matters, but Seoul will try to advance the timetable, General Cha reportedly replied. The two governments have agreed on the relocation of Yongsan garrison, but never set a schedule.

    Seoul is trying to convince Washington that the 2d Division’s move should wait until Pyeongyang’s nuclear ambitions are resolved. “Until then, we should refrain from demanding revision of the Status of Forces Agreement and discussing realignment and reduction of U.S. forces,” Chyung Dai-chul, acting chairman of the ruling Millennium Democratic Party, said yesterday before the National Assembly.

    Meeting with President Roh Moo-hyun Thursday, security ministers encouraged the relocation of the Yongsan base, but showed concern about pulling the 2d Infantry Division away from the border zone.

    Because realigning U.S. forces requires a major revision of the South Korea-U.S. joint operations plans to counter possible North Korean attack, Seoul asked Washington for a serious discussion to devise a feasible long-term plan. Mr. Lawless will visit Seoul Sunday for the first talks of the Future of the Alliance Policy Initiative.

    by Lee Chul-hee
    myoja@joongang.co.kr

    According to Korea Herald on 4 Apr: "In their preliminary talks in February, the nations came close to redefining the bilateral alliance in a way that would bolster Seoul's role. The U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) has taken a series of measures to improve its public image in the wake of last year's anti-U.S. sentiments following the acquittal of two U.S. soldiers whose armored truck struck and killed two Korean girls last June. Ranking U.S. military officials have also said the USFK will relocate its Yongsan base, which is currently situated in the heart of the Korean capital."

    Pending these negotiations, Roh has embarked on a massive PR blitz by dispatching his Foreign Minister Yoon to the U.S. and Japan to discuss the North Korean issue. It is curious that former President George Bush, Sr. will visit Seoul on 14 April at the invitation of the business leaders. The image is that the Korean economy is in deep trouble with America and they need inside help.

    The general impression from the amount of generals and key leaders transiting Korea in the past month is that the U.S.-Korea relationship is in deep trouble. VP Cheney is expected in Seoul in the near future though it is unknown whether it is for the discussions or simply to confer with President Roh. We will have to wait for the 8 April negotiations to watch for what develops from the discussions.

    As a side note, two local civic groups in Uijeongbu said they will stage protest rallies in front of the Defense Ministry and a U.S. Army base in Yongsan, Seoul. Some 40 protestors will call on the military authorities to withdraw plans to build a new U.S. military base at Uijeongbu. (SITE NOTE: This will add ammunition to the DoD plans to relocate south of the Han.)

    Future of the ROK-U.S. Alliance Policy Initiative Discussions (8-9 April): The first session of "Future of the ROK-U.S. Alliance Policy Initiative" was held at the Defense Ministry from 8-9 April. South Korea was led by assistant minister for policy Cha Young-koo while the United States was headed by Richard Lawless, U.S. deputy assistant secretary of defense for East Asia and the Pacific. The Korean team included Kim Sung-man, the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff's strategic planning division, Sim Yun-jo, the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade's North American affairs department and eight others. Washington sent eight senior officials, including the Department of State's special envoy Christopher LaFleur. Lawless and officials arrived on April 8 in Seoul.

    Trying to piece together what was discussed is very difficult from the conflicting news stories. On the first day of the meeting at the Ministry of National Defense, the Chosun Ilbo on 8 April reported that the U.S. insisted on moving its troops south. It was evident that there were some very contentious points as the meeting lasted far longer than scheduled.

    Headed by the ministry's policy planning chief, Cha Young-koo, and the U.S.'s Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asian and Pacific Affairs, Richard Lawless, the two sides agreed on the principle of moving U.S. troops off the central Seoul Yongsan base as soon as possible. The U.S. delegation suggested an immediate redeployment of the 2nd Infantry Division to south of the Han River, while the Koreans insisted that the issue be shelved until the North Korean nuclear issue is solved.

    Washington's defense officials argued that the 2nd Division's camps in northern Gyeonggi province are in urban areas and vulnerable to accidents, and should be moved south.

    While the meeting was scheduled to end by 3:30 p.m., it continued through the evening due to difficulties in reaching agreements.

    The Joongang Ilbo added more information of the discussions.

    "Mid-level defense officials from Seoul and Washington have reportedly agreed again in principle to move the Yongsan Garrison, the headquarters for U.S. troops here, out of the Seoul area. The two sides differed, however, on a U.S. proposal to pull back its combat infantry division from front-line positions north of Seoul. ... Korean government sources said the United States wants to move the 2d Infantry Division south of the Han River; the Korean side asked that such a move be postponed until after the resolution of the North Korean nuclear arms issues. ... Another agenda item was a proposal to end the current agreement that U.S. military leaders will assume operational command of Korean forces in wartime, but the discussion stayed, sources said, on a theoretical plane. A U.S. official at the talks said the Americans want to reconfigure their forces here, noting that the United States had sent 27 divisions to the first Gulf War, but had mobilized a much smaller force for the war now under way in Iraq."

    The interpretations of what was was discussed is very clouded based upon the choice of words reported in the various articles. For example, an official with the Ministry of Defense said, "The two teams did not make remarks about the REDUCTION in U.S. Forces in Korea and even on a TV conference ahead of the session, the U.S. side did not mention the need of reductions." However, a U.S. official said that the Americans want to RECONFIGURE their forces here. This is the same thing as the U.S. wanted a smaller stationary force in Korea in the future based on the U.S. vision for the mobile forces of the 21st Century. It is apparent that the U.S. pressed this point. However, it appears that they never got past the relocation issue because of South Korea's position.

    The Donga Ilbo article on 9 April stated that the two sides failed to "narrow their differences in possible reshuffling of U.S. forces in Korea."

    It is reported that at yesterday’s session, the two teams confirmed relocation of the Yongsan Garrison at the earliest possible date, but failed to narrow their differences in possible reshuffling of U.S. forces in Korea, such as repositioning the entire 16,000 strong Second Infantry Division.

    "We accepted the U.S. proposal of advancing the date for relocating the Yongsan Garrison. Regarding the repositioning of the Second Infantry Division, we delivered our position that it is difficult to accept still considering its presence a deterrent against North Korea as well as massive relocation costs," an official with the Ministry of Defense said.

    "The two teams did not make remarks about the reduction in U.S. Forces in Korea and even on a TV conference ahead of the session, the U.S. side did not mention the need of reductions," he added.

    The U.S. side was reported to have suggested debate on relocation of U.S. forces in Korea, stressing that it is part of the U.S.’ world military strategy.

    Yesterday’s session was said to have focused on ways to improve military capacity by introducing the newest information gathering and combat methods according to changes in battlefield environments.

    "The U.S. sent smaller military forces to the current war with Iraq than it did to the 1991 Gulf War. As battlefield environments are changing, the focus was on the reshuffling of U.S. forces in Korea at the session," an American participant said.


    On 9 Apr at a joint press conference at the conclusion of the discussions, it was reported that military officials from the U.S. and Korea agreed that the transfer of the Yongsan Garrison and relocation of troops north of Seoul would be done in a way that would not weaken Korea's security. The Defense Ministry's policy planning chief, Cha Yeong-gu, and the U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense, Richard Lawless, both said that a research body would be set up to keep the relationship up-to-date with the changing security situations on the peninsula.


    Richard Lawless, Christopher LaFleur, and Cha Yeong-gu (8 Apr 03)


    They agreed that the principle of maintaining or strengthening security on the peninsula would underpin any shutdown or relocation of U.S. bases. Also, Korea's role in "selected missions," which the United States arranges to help develop Korean military capacities, are to be expanded. They did not specify in which selected missions Korea's role would be enhanced. Lawless said that no downsizing of U.S. forces here was discussed, and no specifics about a relocation of the 2nd Infantry Division were discussed.

    The second conference will be held next month in the United States, and succeeding meetings are set for every one or two months in Washington and Seoul until the 50th anniversary of the Korea-U.S. alliance in October. At that time a blueprint for the future of the alliance would be presented at the U.S.-Korea Security Consultative Meeting.

    However, the conclusions on what was discussed is dependent upon which side of the political spectrum you are. Conservative newspapers stressed that the U.S. wished to relocate its forces south of the Han. On the other hand, liberal newspapers stressed how the force structure would be "realigned" and downplayed any reference to relocation. The wording of the news releases from both sides also added to the confusion as statements were vague -- leading to differing conclusions of what was said.

    The Conservative Pro-USFK newspaper Donga Ilbo on 9 April reported that the U.S. wanted to relocate its troops (US Wants to Move Its 2nd Infantry Division Out Of Seoul/April 09, 2003/Sang-Ho Yun): It stated "Lawless` remark can be interpreted that although the two sides have agreed to relocate US 2nd division to an alternative site, they didn`t discuss whether they relocate it to the south of Seoul. It has been known that the U.S. side clearly expressed its intention of moving its infantry division to the south of Seoul at the meeting." It went on to say, "With regard to this issue, the Korean representatives delivered their government`s position that it is difficult to relocate the US 2nd division to the south of Seoul for the time being, considering enormous expenses for the relocation and difficulties in finding an alternative site. In addition, they said to the U.S. side that there are rising security concerns among Korean public worrying a possible withdrawal of U.S. infantry division from Seoul." In addition, the South Korean army would enhance its role of maintaining security on the Korean Peninsular, while U.S. forces would focus on securing stability in the Asian region. In addition, it stated it is clear that South Korea would have to increase defense expenses to strengthen military deterrence to North Korea`s attack if the U.S. reduces its role in defending the heavily fortified border line areas between the South and the North.


    While the conservative newspapers talked of the U.S. desire to relocate its USFK forces, the liberal newspapers reflected President Roh's views and stressed how the force structure would be "realigned" and downplayed -- or denied -- references to relocation. The liberal Pro-Roh administration newspaper Korea Herald (GIs to be realigned, not weakened/April 10, 2003/Kim Hyung-jin) reported South Korea and U.S. top defense officials agreed to redeploy American forces "in a way that will not weaken the combined deterrent effect against North Korea." It stated the U.S. side empathized with the concerns of the Korean people regarding talk of relocating the 2nd U.S. Infantry Division away from the inter-Korean border. It also stated that the two sides would "establish a joint consultative body to discuss transferring to South Korea the wartime command of its armed forces, which is currently under the control of the U.S.-led U.N. Command (UNC)." However, in the article it stated that Richard Lawless stated, "There is going to be a realignment. And this will be something that both parties should agree on." It stated that troop reductions had not been discussed and that the meeting did not deal with the redeployment of the 2nd ID. It pointed out that the 10-point agreement, "the two sides agreed on the need to adapt the alliance to the new global security environment, which takes into account Korea's status as a prosperous democracy." It also stated that "the Korean forces' role in defense of the peninsula and beyond, and to enhance U.S. forces' contribution to regional stability." It stated the "two countries will consult on the modernization of the U.S. and Korean military capabilities in an effort to further enhance their combined defense posture and deterrent capabilities." It reaffirmed the relocation of Yongsan "as soon as possible." "We don't have any fixed time on the relocation, but we will get it done very fast," Lawless said. (SITE NOTE: Reading between the lines, the U.S. position is that Korea should pick up more of the defense role costs and Koreans would be picking up more responsibilities for their own defense. On the other hand, the U.S. promised its latest defense systems to the ROK or USFK.)



    FUTURE OF THE ALLIANCE POLICY INITIATIVE

    Joint Statement on "Future of the ROK-US Alliance Policy Initiative - 2003. 04. 09

    1. The first meeting of the "Future of the ROK-US Alliance Policy Initiative" was held in Seoul on April 8-9, 2003. Lieutenant General Cha Young Koo, Deputy Minister for Policy of the ROK Ministry of National Defense, Mr. Shim Yoon Joe, Director General, North American Affairs Bureau of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and Mr. Richard P. Lawless, the US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (DASD) for Asia-Pacific Affairs, Mr. Christopher LaFleur, Special Envoy of the US Department of State, led their respective delegations, which included members of the ROK MND and the US Department of Defense, as well as the ROK Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the US Department of State.

    2, The "Future of the ROK-US Alliance Policy Initiative" was agreed upon by the ROK Minister of National Defense and the US Secretary of Defense during the 34th Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) on December 5, 2002, to adapt the alliance to reflect changing regional and global security circumstances.

    3. The US side conveyed the US Governments' special appreciation for the ROK's decision to dispatch engineer and medical units to support the Coalition's effort in Iraq.

    4. Acknowledging that this year marks the 50th anniversary since the official establishment of the ROK-US alliance, the two sides assessed the bilateral relations between the ROK and the US, and concurred that the ROK-US alliance made significant contributions to national security and development of Korea. In order to further enhance deterrence through the solidarity of the 5. ROK-US alliance and to ensure a strong alliance for the future, the two sides agreed on the following basic principles for their joint consultation.

    • i. Both agreed on the need to adapt the alliance to the new global security environment and to take into account the ROK's status as a prosperous democracy.
    • ii. Both agreed on the need for both countries to invest in an enduring alliance.
    5. The two sides shared a common view that the ROK-US alliance must be developed in ways to best contribute to security on the Peninsula and beyond. Accordingly, both parties agreed in principle to expand ROK forces' role in defense of the Peninsula and to enhance US forces' contribution to regional stability. In the context of the ROK's own military transformation, it will assume responsibility for selected missions. The US presented a plan to invest in the future of the alliance by further developing 21st century warfighting capabilities.

    6. The two sides agreed to consult on modernization of the ROK and US military capabilities in an effort to further enhance the ROK-US combined defense posture and deterrence capabilities.

    7. The two sides agreed to consolidate the USFK base structure in order to preserve an enduring stationing environment for USFK, to achieve higher efficiency in managing USFK bases, and to foster a balanced development of ROK national lands. Both sides agreed to continue discussion on the timing of the overall realignment process. The US side expressed an understanding of the concerns of the Korean people regarding the alignment of USFK, including 2ID. The two sides agreed that there would be no compromise in the combined deterrence of their forces throughout the process of realignment.

    8. Recognizing the need to foster a balanced development of the Seoul Metropolitan Area, to resolve inconveniences to Seoul citizens, and to provide a stable stationing environment for USFK, the two sides agreed to relocate Yongsan Garrison as soon as possible.

    9. As a part of this process, the ROK JCS and the US JCS will consult regarding key topics required in developing concepts related to changes in the security environment, such as the development of ROK and US combined military capabilities. Additionally, they will form a consultative group to conduct a study of the ROK-US combined command relationship in the mid and long term.

    10. Assessing that the first meeting has contributed to further strengthening the ROK-US alliance, the two sides agreed to hold the 2nd meeting in the US in May.

    BOTTOMLINE: The bottomline is that the U.S. is hell bent on relocating their forces south of the Han -- without reducing the numbers at this time. According to Naps Net: "According to several sources, the Pentagon would now like to see the realignment started in the 2004 fiscal year, which begins in October, with a move out of the Yongsan headquarters in Seoul to be followed by a redeployment of troops near the DMZ. "We would like to execute this as quickly as possible," said one diplomat, speaking on condition of anonymity. New ROK President Roh Moo Hyun does not want to see any changes until the DPRK nuclear crisis is resolved. But, said the diplomat, "that timetable is probably too slow for us."

    Although Rumsfeld has publicly ruminated about moving some of the troops out of South Korea entirely, a more likely scenario is that they would move farther to the south of the peninsula, trying to get as far as possible from Seoul into less congested areas. There is no sense of a wholesale movement out of Korea, but the U.S. military want a less intrusive and more sustainable presence. For the Koreans, this is like the old saying that you should be careful what you wish for or you'll get it. They will end up having more responsibility for their own defense. In the discussions, it was agreed that some of the military responsibilities would be shifted to the ROK.

    A Korea Times article on 12 Apr gave some highlights of the what the U.S. TOLD the Koreans at the Future Alliance Meeting.

    • "The U.S. told South Korea that the relocation of its Yongsan Garrison will be started and finished next year" a U.S. source said.
    • "Osan, where U.S. Air Force and other big camps are located, is preferred as the new home for the U.S. theater headquarters because it would reduce moving costs," the source said.
    • "The Pentagon is seeing to it that there will be no repeat of a delay on the relocation of the garrison that happened in the early 1990s and the choice of Osan shows such U.S. determination." A Foreign Ministry official confirmed that the U.S. presented a timetable for the relocation of the Yongsan Garrison. A senior Seoul government official said, "Yongsan Garrison is set to move at any time." However, he declined to comment on whether the timetable was handed over during the Cha-Lawless meeting. The two sides agreed to move the U.S. base in Seoul as soon as possible without disclosing the exact timetable.
    • Regarding the potential relocation of the 2nd U.S. Infantry Division, 14,000-strong mainstay of U.S. commitment to deterring an invasion by North Korea, the two sides didn't reach agreement with Seoul wanting to postpone its relocation after the settlement of the North Korean nuclear crisis. The U.S. wants to have both the Yongsan Garrison and the 2nd Infantry Division relocated at the same time.
    • "The two sides disagreed on the timing of the relocation of the 2nd Infantry Division, but, whenever it is moved, it will most likely entail a reduction in the number of U.S. ground forces," the U.S. source said, saying that it will be tantamount to rolling the suspended Nunn-Warner Amendment back into life.
    • Under its present plan, called the Land Partnership Plan (LPP), United States Forces in Korea (USFK) will transfer the responsibility of defending one of the two main supply routes, which the North is bound to use in the event of its invasion, to South Korea, triggering speculation that the size of the 2nd Infantry Division will be halved into one infantry brigade with its support personnel. "However, the LPP itself is up for a change now and it is hard to tell what the USFK will come down to, considering the entire division will be taken out from its border area," a military expert said.

    The message was also sinking in to the Roh administration. On 10 April, President Roh acknowledged that the time had come to discuss relocating U.S. forces stationed in Korea, but that a troop reduction should be an issue pondered over the long term. Roh said that the public wanted the U.S. Forces Korea's (USFK) main garrison moved out of Yongsan as soon as possible but the issue of a forces reduction should be discussed after the North Korean nuclear situation was fully settled. The U.S. position was that it should be discussed NOW. The U.S. strategy was now becoming clear that they were going to remove U.S. forces from the DMZ and let the North sit and stew. If the North did not remove an equal number of forces from the DMZ, it would be viewed internationally as an aggressor and the U.S. could justify a preemptive strike if so desired.

    To back this up, the U.S. would keep the F-117A stealth fighters from Holloman at Kunsan and the F-15s from Elmendorf at Osan AB according to USFK articles -- though the 90th FS usually operated out of Kwangju during its previous deployments. The USS Carl Vinson could possibly be retained in the "area" after the USS Kitty Hawk returned from the Persian Gulf in April. The 12 B-1 and 12 B-52 bombers would remain at Guam -- though later a weather evacuation forced the 7th AEW to relocate to Hawaii and Fairchild AFB, WA. There are also two nuclear submarines from Guam that could be added to this equation. In addition, the Japanese have added their Aegis cruisers as a backup to this military might. (SITE NOTE: The USS Carl Vinson was extended in the area until December when the USS Kitty Hawk will come out of the Yard after repairs. It entered the Yard on 12 May. There was a gradual buildup and then at the end of May there appeared to be a drawdown with the 7th AEW with its B-1 and B-52s returning to their homestations. The F-15s from Elmendorf also appear to have returned home at the end of May.)

    It also appears that the ROK started on its "poor mouth" campaign of not enough funds and trying to shift the financial burden to the U.S. The ROK has done this consistently since the MOU was signed in 1990 to relocate the Yongsan Garrison. Then they said no one wanted the 8th Army Yongsan Garrison -- more pointedly the refusal of the Pyongtaek mayor to accept the forces in 1993 within his city. At that time, the cost of relocation was projected at $9.5 billion. Korea did not want to pay this cost and the Yongsan relocation returned to the status quo. Later Korea said that the U.S. had "padded" the figures. Korea then demanded changes to the SOFA and got it in 1991 with substantial increases in their share of defense. Unsatisfied, the Korean government demanded more changes dealing with jurisdiction and again their share went up -- much to the vocal objections of civic groups. After 1997, the Koreans had the audacity to try to renegotiate the cost share down blaming the IMF Crisis. Now in 2003 after a year of anti-Americanism pointed at the USFK, the U.S. was in no mood to banter over this point with a G-12 nation -- or in the U.S. words, "a prosperous democracy." When the topic was resurfaced again, the Korean government announced the relocation cost for Yongsan at $1.3 billion -- but this was NOT confirmed by the USFK. This was the starting volley of the Korean government wanting to negotiate the price down.

    It is now apparent that the U.S. strategy is to first relocate the forces according to the Land Partnership Plan south of the Han and then seek a reduction of stationary forces. There will be no discussions on troop reductions until the relocation issue is settled. However, expect to see the latest hardware -- tested successfully in Iraq -- appear on the peninsula. At that time, there will be "silent reductions" such as leaving the authorized personnel numbers static, but not filling them with replacements. The changes are part of a worldwide restructuring designed to make US forces more flexible and more mobile -- as shown in Iraq. The idea that the U.S. will relinquish the control of a coalition (U.S.-ROK) to the minor player (ROK) is NOT in the cards. The question whether South Korea could defeat North Korea is a rather ridiculous case to argue. Even if the ROK won, the total confrontation would be fought across South Korea leaving the country devastated. With the U.S. presence, the possibility of it being a much shorter war -- with the outcome already decided in the U.S. favor. if China and Russia do not escalate it into a global confrontation. If the ROK wishes to demand control of forces in time of war, there is no need for a coalition -- and no need for the U.S. presence in Korea.

    There were indications in some articles that Roh stated that Korea would "regain the rhetorical offensive" on the issue of relocating U.S. troops here. He said South Korea would not shy away from leading the discussions on repositioning the U.S. forces in Korea. Roh said during his daily meeting on 10 April with senior secretaries and other aides, "Until now, we have avoided even the mere discussion of the repositioning of U.S. troops. But it is time for us to make it known that we will play a major role in the matter after the North Korea nuclear issue is resolved.” What this implies is that the latest discussions had Korea at a severe disadvantage as the U.S. negotiators were armed with verified anti-Americanism; changes in U.S. military strategy (that has been validated by the Iraq War successes); agreed upon Land Partnership Plan initiatives; and previous agreements that have not been kept by South Korea -- such as the 1990 MOU for the relocation of Yongsan. What Korea wants, may not be what the U.S. wants -- and the U.S. has all the cards in its favor with the growing sense of isolationism in America following the 9/11 incident.

    South Korean National Assembly Speaker Park Kwan-yong said on 11 April that the ongoing talks concerning relocation of U.S. forces in Korea should be connected to North Korea's reduction of its conventional weapons. Park met with Vice President Cheney in Washington who applauded the National Assemblies proposal that economic sanctions should be imposed as a carrot-stick approach to leading the North to giving up its nuclear program. Meeting U.S. congressional leaders during his Washington visit, Park emphasized that South Korean people do not question the alliance with the United States. Unfortunately, the latest U.S. flag burnings as part of the anti-war protests in April was sending some strong anti-American messages to the U.S. Congressmen as he spoke.

    Roh Praises USFK for "Augmenting" South's Military Capability: On April 19, Yonhap News reported that President Roh said that "the purpose of the U.S. Forces in Korea (USFK) is to augment South Korea's military capabilities and should not be seen as the core element of national defense. Speaking to newly promoted generals and other ranking officers at Cheong Wa Dae, Roh stressed that he supports the stationing of U.S. troops here because Korea reaps many benefits from the deployment." In effect, he has stated that the ROK military will bear the brunt of the nation's defense with a little help from the Americans. He has just slapped the Americans in the face again. In our opinion, President Roh needs a wake-up call that his game of "I'm your friend but..." is getting a little tiresome. (NOTE: On 1 May in a televised MBC broadcast, Roh made reference to a five-year plan to make Korea self-sufficient in its defense. It appears that the MND was tasked with this plan on March 15 and was to deliver it to Roh in May. Thus his statements of "augmenting" makes sense in he is trying to prepare the Korean populace for his plan. However, the plan is for the future and his statements were slurring the USFK in the present.)

    Roh really needs to put a sock in his mouth -- or fire his speech writer. His new press guidelines for press briefings to insure that the correct information is released is definitely is not working. He keeps speaking off-the-cuff. Whenever he's "misquoted" his PR staff has to rewrite the English translation of what he said for media release. Immediately following the Yonhap News Report, the Korea Times "clarified" Roh's statements saying, "President Roh Moo-hyun expressed strong support for the United States Forces Korea (USFK), saying, its presence in Korea is not confined to the role of a deterrent in case of a North Korean invasion, but also to serve broader national interests."

    Defense Minister Cho Young-kil said the ROK military needs to enhance the alliance's defense capabilities through the deployment of new U.S. weapon systems and that the Korean military would take charge of some U.S. forces duties. The truth is that the Koreans will be soon equipped with the ATACMS -- M39 Army Tactical Missile System (Army TACMS) -- along the DMZ which will change the battle environment dramatically. (See Korea Marches to Its Own Drums for ATACMS writeup. The THAD missile defense systems has been promised to Korea when it is perfected. As to surface-to-surface dangers of the North's SCUD missiles with the range to reach Kunsan AB, Korea relies on the U.S. Patriot batteries. Korea has the Patriot PAC-3 systems on order. In addition, recent requisitions of ATACMS will give the ROK capability to strike Pyongyang. South Korea will deploy 110 surface-to-surface ATACMS with a range of up to 300 km (187 miles) by early 2004. In addition, there are rumors that Korea has already developed a cruise missile of its own design. According to Global Beat , Center for Defence and International Security Studies, University of Lancaster, July 25, 1999: "On 14 July, Seoul News Plus (Ch'ollian Database version) magazine revealed that South Korea has nearly completed work on a 300 km/186 mile land-attack cruise missile. The missile is reportedly being developed to attack hardened North Korean targets.")

    Under the current Oplan, the role of the ROK Army on the DMZ is to delay the North's blitzkrieg advance until the promised 640,000 follow-on American troops arrive. Despite Roh's inference that the U.S. was playing an "augmenting role", Kunsan's 8th FW, Misawa's 35th FW and Kadena's 18th FW, along with the Yokosuka's USS Kitty Hawk carrier group will be deeply involved in blunting the North Korean attack. This says nothing of the 17,000 USFK Army troops and their armor, artillery and attack helicopters.

    USFK Finds "Tripwire" Terminology Offensive: On 20 Apr USFK Commander General Leon J. LaPorte condemned the term, `tripwire, the role of US 2nd Infantry Division stationed in Uijeongbu and Dongducheon as a `bankrupt` concept. "Tripwire" means US forces` automatic involvement in a war waged by the North. The USFK commander said, appearing on a MBC TV documentary program that `tripwire` is not only a negative term but also a derogatory one for 2nd ID. Furthermore, it is an old-fashioned concept. His remarks were in response to Prime Minister Goh Kun`s proposal of maintaining the USFK`s role as a `tripwire` that he suggested at the beginning of last month as a part of the principles for the US forces` relocation.

    Gen LaPorte added, “With regard to North Korea`s military capability, its weapons system, particularly, missiles can attack us (referring to US and South Korean armed forces). We are within its missiles` range. He emphasized that it is inappropriate to call ` tripwire` military forces stationed in north of the Han River.

    In addition, he said that the agreement between South Korea and the US on relocation of US forces, including Yongsan, was not spurred by rising anti-American sentiment among Koreans. However, there were few who believe that it wasn't a factor. Note that LaPorte used the term "rising" anti-American sentiment. On the 50-year-old military alliance between Seoul and Washington, the general said a study under way would "make a determination for the Republic of Korea to assume an increasingly dominant role in its national security."

    On 22 Apr, Gen Laporte at a forum hosted by a local civic group, the Korea Freedom League, noted that the North Korean economy was on the verge of collapse. Regarding the planned relocation of the Yongsan Garrison, Laporte said that while in the past the army bases in Seoul needed to be physically near the truce line, that need has been reduced by today's improved technologies. He affirmed that U.S. policy to move the base, saying shifting it farther south would be most appropriate.

    USFK Announces Relocation Plan Finally on 25 April the USFK announced its relocation plan that has been in the works. In the April "Future of the Alliance Policy Initiative" meeting, there was no decision on the "alternative site" that was put forth by the USFK. It now the "alternative site(s)" have become fixed -- at least for the USFK. Bottom line is that the USFK is moving -- with or without the Korean approval.

    On 25 Apr in the Donga Ilbo, Maj Gen James Soligan said the U.S. will relocate the U.S. camps in 25 districts of South Korea to two areas. The first area is the Osan and Pyeongtaek in Gyeonggi Province; the second area is Daegu and Busan in Kyeongsang Province. He also said that the US would realign the US forces in Korea focusing on the two areas on long-term basis.

    If one looks at the strategy it makes sense -- FOR THE AMERICANS. Since the time of Jimmy Carter, the troops on the DMZ have limited the Presidential options in dealing with the North. The Americans will be safe but unfortunately Seoul will still be held hostage. The USFK troops moved south to Osan/Pyongtaek and Taegu will no longer be a "tripwire" -- or more truthfully, a "hostage" to nuclear threats.

    (SITE NOTE: A Hankyoreh newspaper editorial on 28 April stated: "For Deputy Chief of Staff of U.S. Forces Korea Maj. Gen. James Soligan to announce unilaterally moving the 2nd Infantry Division to the Osan-Pyontaek area [south of the Han River] was very RUDE and ARROGANT. ... The more serious problem is that the US military is running the "Future of the US-ROK Alliance" talks by itself. On the one hand, we will be expected to shoulder a portion of the costs involved in the move, and on the other, there have been no discussions yet as to the readjustments in our defense costs that will follow as a result of the diminished role of USFK. Our government must demand that the USFK authorities officially apologize and retract what was said during [Gen. Soligan's] press conference." (translation). This is President Roh's PR newspaper so one knows that the South Korean government is very upset. It should be noted that during Roh's campaign for the Presidency, the Hankyoreh was calling for the complete withdrawal of the U.S. from Korea.)

    With the movement of the 2d ID south of the Han, the USFK forces will be out of the range of the North Korean artillery and protected by the Patriot batteries from SCUDS. Gen Soligan added, "The US defense ministry is now considering plans for introducing a new weapons system including sophisticated smart bombs and upgraded Patriot Missile used during the Iraqi war to USFK." Patriot PAC-3 batteries can knock the SCUDS out of the skies as it did in Iraq -- and hopefully not friendly aircraft as it did in Iraq as well. Currently the PAC-2 is in use, but soon will be upgraded to the PAC-3.

    Being South of the Han, the U.S. armour will have greater mobility to move if the North broke through the DMZ -- which some predict may happen. Along the DMZ, the Palladin mobile artillery system was just another stationary artillery piece. However, moved south, it could be used to its full potential. With its sophisticated radar tracking of incoming artillery, it can locate the enemy artillery and return fire to kill it. Then move on. This system is one reason why the Iraqis fired their heavy artillery in the Iraqi War only on a limited scale. To fire meant sure death.

    The 2d ID armour would move to Pyongtaek and Taegu to augment the Koreans along the DMZ. From their position, it will be almost impossible for the North to fulfill its plan to encircle Seoul and consolidate its forces once it breaks through the DMZ. It was said that the U.S. forces along the DMZ would be destroyed within three hours. They were sitting ducks. Though it is not published, the game plan for the 2d ID armour once the conflict broke out was NOT to sit and calmly await their death. Their plan was to take the fight north immediately. The USFK units were going to head north as the North's tanks were heading south.

    The statement by Gen Soligan also shows that the Command and Control facilities that were still being constructed in Osan in 2002 are now complete. The facilities are in new underground hardened facilities. There had been talk to leave the Joint USFK-ROK CFC command center in Seoul at Yongsan, but this seemed foolhardy. Yongsan base is already a target by the North -- and within artillery range -- so to place your command and control center there does not seem prudent.

    Though we are not privy to any plans, the plan will most likely have the armour split into two forces. The smaller force from Pyongtaek would protect the Inchon corridor in case the North decided to run down the east coast using the (Seohan) highway route -- the same as it did in 1950. The other larger force would be situated in Taegu -- most likely Camp Walker -- to block any North movement towards Pusan -- the same as the Korean War. In addition, Taegu straddles the route from the eastern corridor over the mountains from Gangnung.

    By moving south, the mobile artillery of the M109A6 "Palladin" artillery system will be enhanced with their ability to locate incoming rounds into Seoul and respond real-time. Where they were situated before at Camp Gary Owen and Camp Hovey, they were nothing more than stationary artillery pieces clearly marked in the sights of the North Korean artillery. In Iraqi, these tracking systems were the reason that the Iraqi Republican Guards did not use their artillery. Firing on the advancing Americans meant sure death.

    Whether there are any forces in the Pusan area seems up for grabs. The follow-on packages have always been down in Kimhae so this seems to be the likely point that "Pusan" refers to. If there is armour, there was discussion before of a large training area in the Pohang area -- the general vicinity that the Foal Eagle joint exercises took place. The prime airbases would remain the same at Osan and Kunsan -- with Kwangju as the alternate for follow-on aircraft. Chinhae will be the primary port for use by the U.S. Navy in time of conflict. The port at Pyongtaek (Ansong) will provide an evacuation point for DOD dependents.

    However, the main reason this idea is a winner is that the U.S. can now say to the North Koreans, we have removed our forces from the DMZ. Now it is your turn to do the same. This strategy has been often mentioned but only in the hypothetical sense. Now it would be different. The U.S. could say to North Korea, "If you do not remove an equal number of troops, you are going to be viewed by the U.S. as an aggressor nation -- and we will be justified to launch a pre-emptive strike." Dating back to Kim Young-sam, the South was NEVER going to join the U.S. in any preemptive strike. If such an action is decided on by the U.S., it will not be with the consent of the South.

    The second reason is that the U.S. forces will finally be free of being held "hostage" by the SOUTH. The USFK was not on the DMZ because they thought it was a good idea, but to pacify the South in their justified terror of an attack on Seoul. However, the idea of a "tripwire" is outdated and the forward positioning of troops is an old-fashioned out-dated way to conduct warfare. Given the high-tech resources of the U.S., it is best suited to fighting a war from long-range.

    This latest development also brings about the fear that the U.S. may be planning to act unilaterally again in Korea. Roh has been in office for only two months, but he and his predecessor, Kim Dae-jung, made it very uncomfortable for the U.S. in Korea. In dealing with the North, the South has constantly back-stabbed the U.S. or thrown monkey-wrenchs into its plans. It is still doing it and the U.S. may have just said, "ENOUGH!"

    The following story is from the Chosun Ilbo on 25 April.

    USFK Conveys Relocation Plans

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    James Soligan, the deputy chief of staff for the U.S. Forces Korea, said Friday that the relocation of U.S. troops here would be done so that the Korea-U.S. alliance and the war deterrent function would be strengthened. He said that U.S. bases on the peninsula would be reorganized into two hubs, one in and around Osan, the other in the Daegu and Busan region.

    The Busan/Daegu hub would be the center for a buildup of troops in case of a war on the peninsula, Soligan said. This is the first time the USFK has announced this idea - it would change the Land Partnership Plan signed in March 2002, which dictates the location of U.S. bases through 2011.

    The announcement is also an indicator that the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division in north Gyeonggi province would be moved to the Osan area; that would probably cause friction with Seoul, which opposes the relocation of the division.

    Major General Soligan also commented on the possible reduction of U.S. troops here, saying that the questions should be decided politically by the two governments. He pointed out that the number of forces should not be a gauge of the fighting force. "The important thing is not numbers, but the system," he said.

    "We are discussing with the Pentagon a plan to introduce a new weapons system for the USFK, including high-tech precision attack weapons and improved Patriot missiles like those used in the Iraq war," Soligan said.

    Korea to provide land for USFK Relocation South of the Han: On 29 April, the Joongang Ilbo said that the USFK had asked South Korea to provide land for relocation of its troops stationed in the country and that the Ministry of National Defense announced that it was "likely to be approved." However, immediately following this article, the MND denied that anything had been approved as to the land pledge -- though it did admit that it had received the request.

    The following is from the Joongang Ilbo on 29 April.

    Seoul gives U.S. a land pledge for troop move

    Seoul has reportedly confirmed to the United States that it will make available new land in the Pyeongtaek and Osan areas of southern Gyeonggi province to house U.S. military forces that will be moved from the northern part of the province and from Seoul. A senior government official said yesterday, "The Pentagon told Seoul recently that it needed Seoul's guarantee to provide the alternate sites for U.S. bases in order to get Congressional approval to spend money that has been allocated for facilities here." The budget for USFK facilities for 2003 to 2005 amounts to about $1 billion. "Seoul promised its support in purchasing those sites, but no timetable for the move was given."

    That stress on the timetable was repeated in other remarks by officials here. After a series of remarks questioning the structure of the U.S. military alliance by President Roh Moo-hyun and an upsurge of anti-American sentiment in Korea caused by a road accident north of Seoul in which two young girls were killed, U.S. officials moved swiftly to press on Seoul plans for relocating U.S. forces. Those plans were based in part on new military concepts in Washington calling for a ground force more maneuverable than the massed U.S. infantry that now protects a southward invasion route.

    But the potential loss of the "tripwire" provided by U.S. infantry forces north of Seoul has provoked public nervousness here, and the government is contemplating the investments in new weapons systems required to put its own blocking force in place to protect the capital region. Prime Minister Goh Kun recently asked the United States to delay any plans for a move until after the North Korean nuclear crisis is resolved. Seoul wants the bulk of the forces to stay where they are, about 23 kilometers (14 miles) southeast of the demilitarized zone that separates the two Koreas.

    According to the official, a 13.2-square-kilometer (3,267-acre) site in Pyeongtaek, near the present Camp Humphreys, is the U.S. choice of new home for the 2d Infantry Division and the the U.S. 8th Army. Another 3.3 square kilometers (817 acres) of land near Osan Air Base was is the prospective site for the United States Forces Korea headquarters, he said.

    The Americans were reportedly concerned that the private land needed for the relocation would not be made available without Seoul's active support. Protests by residents would be harder to handle without that support, the official said.

    "The United States originally planned to regroup U.S. bases throughout the country into three regions," a source from the U.S.-South Korea Combined Forces Command said, adding that one of the three regions was the area where U.S. forces are now massed. The Land Partnership Plan, adopted last year, was drawn up based on that plan, "but that's all changed now," the official said.

    by Lee Chul-hee

    Then immediately following the article above, the MND denied a media report on 29 April that it accepted a request by the United States for 5 million-pyeong of land in Pyeongtaek and Osan, south of Seoul, for the relocation of its two major army units. The ministry, however, acknowledged that U.S. working-level officials had requested more land than currently agreed under a bilateral arrangement for its military bases in Korea. "Seoul and Washington have yet to reach an agreement on the realignment of the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division. The two also haven't decided on a new site for the U.S. military base in Yongsan in Seoul," said Lt. Gen. Cha Young-koo, assistant defense minister for policy and chief delegate to the talks on the "Future of the Alliance's Policy Initiative."

    The MND rejected a U.S. idea to move a key American military base away from the border with North Korea, calling it "undesirable under current security circumstances." Lt. Gen. Cha Young-koo, assistant defense minister for policy, said the United States wants to reorganize its bases here into two "hubs" -- one consisting of Pyeongtaek and Osan, Gyeonggi Province, and the other comprising Busan and Daegu. The selected sites are a 4-million-pyeong (13.2 million sq. meters) area in Pyeongtaek for the U.S. 8th Army Command and the 2nd Infantry near Camp Humphrey, and another 1 million pyeong (3.3 million sq. meters) in Osan so U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) can build command facilities next to the existing air base.

    In a Chosun Ilbo article on 30 April, it stated the U.S. had "asked" South Korea to provide land near U.S. bases in Pyeongtaek and Osan for relocating the Yongsan Garrison stationed in Seoul and the 2nd Infantry Division in northern Gyeonggi province. The ministry was "positively reviewing the request." Cha Young-gum, policy manager at the Defense Ministry, said, "In the long run, we agree that the U.S. forces in Korea should be relocated to the Osan-Pyeongtaek area and the Daegu-Busan area. But the government opposes the move of the 2nd Infantry Division at this point in time due to the nuclear crisis." Cha also said that the exact amount of area that would be provided has yet to be decided. The United States said that it would locate the headquarters of the U.S. 8th Army and the 2nd Infantry Division in a 4-million pyeong area near its current camp in Pyeongtaek. It would also move the USFK headquarters to a 1-million pyong area near the Osan air base. The ministry said that the South-U.S. meeting to draw up the relocation plans, which was scheduled for mid-May in Hawaii, would be delayed two weeks due to the South-U.S. summit set for May 15.

    The action by the MND to "stall, deny and deflect" on the relocation issue signals the start of a confrontation between the USFK (which wishes to move as soon as possible) against the ROK (which wishes the USFK forces to remain as a tripwire ad infinitum). The MND will point to the Land Partnership Plan, adopted last year, but the USFK position is that the military situation has changed since then. In addition, the U.S. global forces strategy has changed as well. The Roh government strategy is emerging that it will drag its feet whenever it comes to discussions of a "time table." Initially the meeting in May in Hawaii was to resolve issues BEFORE Roh met with Bush...but now, they are delaying the meeting until after the meeting with Bush. It is apparent that the ROK strategy is to elevate the relocation to the Presidential level. However, the lines have already been drawn by Defense Secretary Rumsfeld whose new global military strategy for the U.S. has been proven out in Iraq.

    In addition, the Roh "fan club" through the Hankyoreh, KBS and internet will start to incite the populace on the cost sharing issues and claiming the U.S. wants MORE land -- even though it will be returning major portions to Korea and actually decreasing its land usage. There are three NGO groups that could take the lead in these protests -- either dealing with the SOFA (People's Action for Reform of Unjust U.S.-South Korea SOFA Agreement); or Unification (One Korea); or Environmental concerns (Green Korea United). One Korea is not a good choice as the lead group as its aim is the complete removal of the USFK from Korea when the intent is to keep the USFK where they are.


    A small demonstration was held on 26 April outside Yongsan dealing with the SOFA/anti-War with the traditional egg-throwing over the wall. According to KCNA: Pyongyang (Return of U.S. military base demanded in S. Korea/1 May 2003) there was a rally held at Yongsan on 26 April:

    Pyongyang, May 1 (KCNA) -- The headquarters of the Movement for the Return of the U.S. Military Base in Ryongsan reportedly held a rally in front of the U.S. military base on April 26 in protest against the war of aggression in Iraq and in demand of a halt to troop dispatch and an unconditional return of the U.S. military base in Ryongsan. At the rally speakers denounced the U.S. Forces for demanding the South Korean side cover the expenses for the transfer of the military base in Ryongsan and contended that the base should not be transferred but returned.

    They demanded a total repeal of the unequal South Korea-U.S. "Mutual Defence Treaty" and the revision of "Status of Forces Agreement".

    At the end of the rally, the participants marched toward the "Defence Ministry" building, chanting slogans calling for a stop to the troop dispatch to the Iraqi war and the return of the U.S. military base. The marchers held that the present "government" should pay attention to the public opinion and immediately repeal the decision on troop dispatch and the U.S. forces should not transfer the military base in Ryongsan, but unconditionally and immediately return it.

    They threw rotten eggs at the front gate of the "Defence Ministry" building in token of their protest against the troop dispatch to the Iraqi war.

    In the future months, more protests could be expected in Seoul -- which would simply play into the hands of the American negotiators to justify a move. On 29 April a small demonstration was held dealing with the SOFA stemming from the June 2002 incident dealing with the deaths of two young girls.

    U.S. Asks Korea to Take Over JSA: On 30 April the U.S. suggested that South Korean troops take over responsibility for guarding the Joint Security Area (JSA) of Panmunjeom from the United Nations Command (UNC). In the Chosun Ilbo (Yoo Yong-won, "SOUTH MAY TAKE FULL CHARGE OF JSA," Seoul, 05/01/03) it was reported that ROK and US governments were discussing a plan that would make ROK military fully responsible for the Joint Security Area in Panmunjeom as soon as early next year. The MND official said the U.S. raised the issue during the first session of the "Future of the ROK-U.S. Alliance Policy Initiative" held in Seoul from April 8-9, adding, " But it was just an idea and the two sides never discussed about it officially." During the session, the two countries agreed in principle on the Korean army's takeover of some specific missions in accordance with its enhanced military abilities, and guarding of the JSA was one of them. A high-ranking ROK government official said that US government had proposed that the change be implemented in the first half of next year, and that ROK was considering it in a positive way, as a symbol of its self-defense capabilities.

    The MND stated that the matter will be discussed by South Korea and the U.S. in the future. The MND official pointed out that the change was independent of the plan to relocate the 2nd ID south of the Han River, a plan ROK opposes. That issue will be taken up at the summit talks in Washington in mid-May.

    The JSA is the only location guarded by UNC troops, composed of 350 Koreans and 250 Americans, along the 155-mile-long truce line. In 1991, ROK Armed Forces took full responsibility for guarding the entire 155-mile truce line. In truth, the ROK Armed Forces had already taken responsibility in 1970 for the guarding of the entire frontline of the DMZ -- with the exception of the Panmunjon Peace Village. If the duty of protecting the JSA is transferred to the Korean army, it will have significant meaning because the army will be guarding the entire demilitarized zone (DMZ), analysts said. In early 1990s, the U.S. suggested South Korea assume responsibility for the task, but discussions were not held on the matter because South Korea objected to it, considering the symbolic meaning of the UNC and the JSA.

    Second Future Alliance Talks Delayed: South Korea and the United States was to convene the second meeting of the Future of the Alliance Policy Initiative May 6-7 in Honolulu, Hawaii. The two sides were expected to work out major changes in the alliance, including realigning U.S. Forces Korea. The May Meeting will be led by Lt. Gen. Cha Young-koo, assistant defense minister for policy for South Korea, and his U.S. counterpart Richard P. Lawless, deputy assistant defense secretary for East Asia. However, on 29 April Lt. Gen Cha said Seoul and Washington agreed to postpone the planned second round of consultations. He said the two sides decided to delay the meeting for two weeks till the end of May to prepare for the upcoming summit between President Roh and President Bush on May 15.

    During the first meeting in Seoul, the two sides reaffirmed plans to relocate the main Yongsan Garrison out of Seoul as soon as possible, and agreed to increase Seoul's role in defending the peninsula. Accordingly, South Korea agreed to take on ``selected missions'' from the USFK, which experts say could mean taking some of the 2nd U.S. Infantry Division's work in the border area. However, they reportedly failed to bridge differences on relocating the 2nd Infantry Division southwards, with Seoul asking for a delay, despite Washington's position, until the North Korean nuclear crisis is over.

    However, the announcement by the USFK seems that the position has gelled due to the evolving North Korean situation. The April 23rd meeting was a disaster when the North Koreans admitted that they had nuclear weapons, but then laid a veiled threat on the table as well. The military option suddenly became a much closer reality. This is probably why the USFK announced its decision to relocate the bases earlier than the May 6-7 meeting.

    After the announcement, there was a mad rush on the part of the Roh government to stop the relocation.

    MAY 2003

    Historic Visit by Prime Minister Goh to 2d ID On 9 May, Prime Minister Goh Kun visited the 2d ID Headquarters in Uijongbu that is the focus of U.S. plans to relocate troops This visit was a fence mending visit to "smooth out the tension." Goh also promised that roads will be expanded, bridges will be built and poor road conditions will be improved to ensure safe military exercises -- to prevent a reoccurence of the tragic accident involving two girls last year. According to the Chosun Ilbo, Goh called the division "a core and a symbol of the Korea-U.S. Alliance" and said that the division and Korean citizens are practicing the "frontline partnership" in protecting the peace. This was visit was published in the unit newspaper.

    Major General John Wood, commander of the 2d ID, called Goh's visit a "historic event" as it was the first time a prime minister visited a USFK camp in the history of the Republic of Korea. The Defense Ministry had requested that Goh visit the division instead of the Combined Forces Command headquarters at Yongsan in order to "smooth out the tension between Koreans and the division." We wonder what the soldier at the lower levels thought of this "historic visit" that said that they were not good enough for a visit in 50 years, but suddenly when they announce they are pulling out, the Prime Minister shows up -- and a smart fellow like Gen. Woods can see through a non-substantive Korean photo-op when it arrives. The "improvements" to the soldiers Quality of Life was started in 2001 when then USFK commanding Gen Schwartz went to Congress to get funds. The buildings now being constructed throughout the peninsula were a result of his actions -- NOT the ROK. The ROK simply had to divy up their share -- which the NGO activist groups squealed bloody murder about at the time. It's rather obvious that when the Prime Minister's office tells the Korean press that the MND suggested the visit, they were playing to the Korean audience.

    Decision in October 2003 on Relocation and Reduction??? An interesting article appeared on 1 May from Associated Press. In it the article describes the trend to relocate the troops from permanent stations on foreign soil. The article sites three locations in the spotlight for relocations: Saudi Arabia, Germany and South Korea.

    The article states, "By October, the Pentagon is likely to decide on a major realignment - and perhaps a substantial withdrawal - of forces in South Korea." September is also the conclusion date of the meetings dealing with the relocation and restructuring of the USFK. The "Future of ROK-US Alliance" meetings to be concluded just prior to the ROK-U.S. Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) scheduled in October. At the SCM, the ROK-US alliance of the future will be laid out.

    The Combined Air Operations Center (CAOC) was to depart Prince Sultan AB, Saudi Arabia by August. Operations have already been transferred to Al Udeid AB, Qatar. The facilities will be mothballed. The UN-mandated Operation Southern Watch to enforce the southern no fly zone ended March 13 with the start of the Iraq War and the 100 aircraft there will depart before August.


    U.S. Relocating Troops Globally

    Associated Press
    May 1, 2003

    WASHINGTON - Withdrawing all American combat forces from Saudi Arabia is a dramatic step, but not the first or last, toward changing the way U.S. troops are posted worldwide.

    In the past, air and ground forces have been placed mainly on large, permanent bases hosted by traditional allies like Germany, South Korea, Japan and Saudi Arabia. But Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld wants a more flexible arrangement that loosens constraints on how they can be used.

    It is unclear whether that means large numbers of troops will be relocating to the United States. Certainly it means thousands will leave South Korea, Saudi Arabia and probably Germany.

    It also means a large portion of those that remain deployed abroad will be assigned a wider variety of missions.


    Versatility will be the watchword.

    One example of this came from the commander of all U.S. forces in Europe, Marine Corps Gen. James Jones. He told reporters Monday that Navy aircraft carrier battle groups, which for decades have spent most or all of their six-month deployments in the Mediterranean Sea, may in the future split time between the Mediterranean and the waters off the coast of West Africa.

    The Mediterranean was an important focus for maritime forces during the Cold War, and in the Iraq war the Navy used those waters to launch a variety of aircraft and missiles. But with the start of the global fight against terrorism in 2001, Africa has taken on new significance.

    Central Asia, too, is relatively new territory for U.S. forces. The Afghanistan war brought thousands of U.S. troops to bases there and in neighboring countries. It is not yet clear whether some will remain there for the long term.

    Since the end of the 1991 Gulf War, the United States has kept about 100,000 troops in Asia - mostly in Japan and South Korea - and about 100,000 in Europe, mainly in Germany. An additional 20,000 are in the Gulf, mainly naval forces based in Bahrain and air forces based in Saudi Arabia.

    Rumsfeld wasted little time pulling U.S. forces out of Saudi Arabia, which allowed U.S. commanders to use an air warfare command center at Prince Sultan air base for the Iraq war. The center's work was shifted to al-Udeid air base in Qatar this week. Rumsfeld on Tuesday declared the military mission in Saudi Arabia over and said all combat forces will be gone within months.

    There were about 10,000 U.S. troops at Prince Sultan air base at the height of the Iraq war.

    U.S. military personnel will continue training with Saudi forces. That is an important point because it reflects the Bush administration's desire to maintain a military-to-military relationship with countries whose bases it might want to use again in a future war.

    The trigger for removing combat forces from Saudi Arabia was the demise of Saddam Hussein's government, which ended what the administration considered a major military threat to U.S. interests in the Persian Gulf. It also ended the need to enforce no-fly zones over Iraq - a 12-year mission that tied down U.S. warplanes at bases in Turkey and the Persian Gulf area.

    Even before the Iraq war, the Air Force was closing out operations at Incirlik air base in southern Turkey, which U.S. and British planes used to launch no-fly zone patrols over northern Iraq. It is unclear now what, if any, American military presence will remain in Turkey.


    Rumsfeld says it will take several months to sort through the military's global basing requirements, but his public statement indicate that big changes are likely in Europe and Asia.

    He has mentioned several times recently that American forces based in Germany were prohibited from taking the most direct route to the Persian Gulf for the Iraq war because Austria closed its airspace. Although Rumsfeld did not say so, that restriction would seem to argue for moving at least some U.S. forces from Germany to perhaps a southern European location.

    "We much prefer to be in a place where we not only are wanted ... but the access in and out of it by air or sea or land is readily facilitated rather than inhibited," he said in a recent Associated Press interview.

    By October, the Pentagon is likely to decide on a major realignment - and perhaps a substantial withdrawal - of forces in South Korea. There are at least three main reasons for that:

    -The South Korean government wants to take a bigger role in its own defense. Washington wants Seoul to buy more capabilities like Patriot air defense systems, which currently are provided and operated by U.S. Army troops.

    -Most of the 37,000 U.S. forces there are too close to the Demilitarized Zone at the border with North Korea. That means in an attack by the North, the Americans would either be killed in large numbers or forced to withdraw south before regrouping for a counteroffensive. The U.S. forces also are too close to urban areas, causing tension with locals.

    -Rumsfeld is unhappy that U.S. troops are subjected to abuse by South Koreans who oppose the U.S. presence.

    Shift in Global Basing Strategy: THE STRATFOR WEEKLY (30 April 2003/Beyond Prince Sultan: The New Military Reality/Dr. George Friedman) stated that the news of the move out of Saudi Arabia was a fundamental shift in the U.S. deployment policy. It stated, "The force structure and deployment of the cold War era no longer has institutional or strategic coherence and will therefore evolve rapidly - not only in Saudi Arabia, but in Germany, South Korea and elsewhere." The shift was "part of a broader redeployment of U.S. forces and a redefinition of U.S. military capabilities. Far from being viewed in isolation, the move should be viewed as the end of the post-Cold War world for the United States and the beginning of a new and fundamentally different era."

    Washington saw the post-Cold War world as one in which military power was secondary to economic power, and in which Cold War institutions would continue to play a critical function in international affairs, despite the fact that their founding mission had been overcome. The period between the fall of the Soviet Union and the Sept. 11 attacks has been a period of inertia in U.S. military planning; the basic assumption was that no basic institutional or structural changes were necessary.

    The United States continued to be embedded in an alliance structure that was designed to contain the Soviet Union. In this alliance, the line from the North Cape of Norway to the Caucuses represented the primary line of defense. Another line ran through the Asian archipelago -- Japan, Taiwan, the Philippines, Indonesia -- and South Korea. After the Iranian revolution, the primary defensive positions in Southwest Asia were intermittent bases and a naval presence.

    The main body of forces was maintained in a reserve in the United States. Since the United States was in a strategic defensive mode, it could not predict where an attack might come. In addition, since U.S. forces were deployed on external lines -- it was not easy to move forces from one point of the line to another -- reinforcements would have to come from the United States. Thus, military forces deployed in Europe or South Korea were backed up by forces that would come from the United States through waters controlled by the U.S. Navy.

    Nuclear weapons were seen to be the ultimate guarantor of containment. The United States, facing a Soviet force that had greater numbers and was operating on shorter strategic supply lines, could not guarantee that sufficient conventional force could be bought to bear at any point in time to be effective. Therefore, the United States treated the threat of nuclear weapons -- both tactical and strategic -- as the ultimate guarantor of the balance of power.

    The end of the Cold War did not end this deployment. Although U.S. forces were drawn down substantially, the basic architecture of deployments did not change: Through Sept. 11, 2001, the United States maintained forces from Germany to South Korea. These forces no longer faced a frontier (with the exception of those in Korea). They certain didn't face a major power operating on interior lines and seeking to break out of encirclement. They remained in place partly because of political inertia and partly because the infrastructure that had been created in the host countries was too expensive to abandon and replicate elsewhere.

    Given that there was no overarching threat to the United States -- but that Washington had political and some strategic reasons for maintaining a land-based presence in the Eastern Hemisphere -- retaining the Cold War basing structure made sense. The structure did not have an immediate military purpose, but was useful in the event of unexpected minor operations, such as Kosovo.

    The basing structure faced the same problem as the institutional structure. Neither NATO nor U.S. forces in Germany were needed any longer to contain the Soviet Union or repel an attack from the east. However, it was easier to leave things as they were than to change things radically, and a good case could be made that NATO and U.S. troops in Germany represented a convenient anachronism. It had its uses and was easier than re-architecting U.S. foreign and strategic military policy.

    The situation has changed dramatically for the United States. The campaigns since Sept. 11 have made the luxury of maintaining an irrational force deployment structure unsupportable. U.S. troops no longer serve a symbolic presence as they did in the 1990s: They are being used in an ongoing war against Islamic militancy, and they need to be deployed accordingly. While an argument can be made that, for example, Germany remains a useful point for housing strategic reserves in the Eastern Hemisphere, it is no better than many others, and it poses serious and obvious political challenges.

    The countries that were important to the United States during the Cold War are simply, geographically, not significant to the current war. Northern Norway is no longer significant, the Fulda Gap is irrelevant and the significance of the Sea of Japan concerns a third-rate power -- North Korea -- not a superpower. The countries that pose problems for the United States immediately are countries like Syria, Iran or Pakistan -- some because of their current policies, some because of their potential policies. Influencing events in these countries cannot be done within the institutional or strategic framework of the Cold War alliance structures.

    The article goes on to build a case of the strategic problem of influencing the behavior of Islamic governments with two military. It comes to the conclusion that pure geography is not enough. The geographic proximity of to an adversary collides with the political difficulties involved in gaining cooperation of allies where the forces are stationed. Any U.S. basing policy that depends on the willingness of governments to permit the presence of troops - and on permission to use their soil for waging war -- leads to the real possibility that troops deployed there might not be available when needed.

    The U.S. basing structure, therefore, has three requirements:

    • 1. It must be close enough to various potential theaters of operations to be valuable.
    • 2. If troops are based in a country, that country must have specific reasons why it cannot reverse its policy.
    • 3. Basing in countries -- or cooperation near the conflict area -- is critical.
    The "footprint" that is being adjusted is global. Within a year, we would expect to see substantial American forces in southeastern Europe and very few in Germany. It would appear to us that the value of multilateralism as opposed to bilateralism has declined. Multilateralism can be a trap in which the failure to reach consensus paralyzes the ability to act. If Washington was to try to create a workable multilateral system -- which we doubt it will do -- it will be built around countries relevant to the current challenge. That will exclude many traditional allies but include many countries not hitherto regarded as critical to American geopolitical calculations. We are now seeing a fundamental restructuring of American forces on a global basis.

    Global Strategic Relocations including Japan: The LA Times (Esther Schrader, "US TO REALIGN TROOPS IN ASIA," Washington, 05/29/03) reported that the US Pentagon is shifting to smaller, more mobile forces to confront new challenges. Among the changes, it may seek to base ships off Vietnam.


    The Pentagon is planning a broad realignment of troops in Asia that may include moving Marines out of Japan and establishing a network of small bases in countries such as Australia, Singapore and Malaysia where the US has never had a permanent military presence, senior administration officials say.

    The moves in Asia, designed to include the transfer of troops away from the demilitarized zone in the ROK, represent the third phase of a sweeping plan by the Pentagon to reposition US forces around the world to be closer to areas it considers unstable while cutting the US presence in Cold War-era strongholds such as Germany.

    The shift is also likely to lower the US military's profile in areas where its presence has provoked resentment and become a troublesome political problem, such as Seoul and the Japanese island of Okinawa. The change is already underway in the Middle East, where US forces have largely pulled out of bases in Saudi Arabia and Turkey over the last month, and in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, where the Pentagon has moved rapidly to establish bases in territories formerly controlled by the Soviet Union.

    "Everything is going to move everywhere," said Douglas J. Feith, undersecretary of defense for policy. "There is not going to be a place in the world where it's going to be the same as it used to be We're going to rationalize our posture everywhere - in Korea, in Japan, everywhere."


    U.S. Bases in Japan use are being reviewed. During the Japan-US summit in May, President Bush agreed to study the possibility of allowing civilian aircraft to use the US Air Force's Yokota base in western Tokyo. It was the first time the US administration has reacted positively to the suggestion that the base be converted into a joint civilian-military airport -- something that Tokyo Gov. Shintaro Ishihara has been demanding. Following the talks, Koizumi and Bush also said they agreed on the need to reduce the heavy US military presence in Okinawa, which accounts for less than 1 percent of Japan's territory but hosts about three-quarters of US military facilities in the country.

    Roh Vision for Korean Military Disturbs MND: On 1 May, President Roh spoke on a number of controversial matters during his appearance on the MBC television program "100 Minute Discussion." He faced a panel which asked questions on a variety of controversial topics. In it he announced that a five-year plan was being drafted. The Ministry of National Defense (MND) stated that they had received orders to draft a plan on March 15 and would submit its "independent defense vision" on the week of 5 May. An article in the Chosun Ilbo on 2 May stated,


    Mixed Reactions to Roh's Defense Policies

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    President Roh Moo-hyun's mention during his television appearance on Thursday night of a five-year plan to achieve military independence brought mixed reactions Friday from Defense Ministry officials.

    Hwang Young-su, the spokesman for the ministry, said the ministry got an order from the president at a March 15 briefing to prepare the plan, and would submit its "independent defense vision" next week. The plan will outline how to transform the military into a more high-tech and elite force, he said. The weak link of the military is intelligence gathering, Hwang said, noting that 90 percent of its strategic intelligence comes from the Americans. So the plan calls for investments in intelligence gathering tools, such as AWACS planes and advanced systems for command, control and communication.

    According to the military authorities, it will cost at least $26 billion over five years for the military to replace the contributions by U.S. forces here. And though President Roh wants to recover South Korea's operation and command authority during wartime, the Defense Ministry is cautious about it, fearing it will bring a negative reaction from Washington. The matter would also affect the easing of military tension between South and North Korea and construction of a peace system on the peninsula.


    The president said on the TV program that issues such as the relocation and partial reduction of U.S. troops here are not being made because of problems with Korea-U.S. relations as much as America pursuing its global strategy and military strategy in Northeast Asia. He also said that most people underestimate the capability of South Korea's forces, and that the question of whether South Korea can defend itself without America's help, and people's perception of that question, has become a political problem.

    But some experts say the relocation and reduction of the U.S. forces here is only partially due to America's world strategy - that the changes are indeed more related to the worsening Korea-U.S. relations since the end of last year. It's highly likely that America has advanced its mid-term plans to relocate and reduce due to the strains in the alliance.

    Also, the experts said that as of the 1980s the South Korean military was assessed to be around 78 percent of North Korea's strength - 83 percent with the USFK included. Despite gains since then, they said, South Korea's capability is still no more than 90 percent. (SITE NOTE: A 2 May Yonhap News brief stated, "`S.K. Military Might Reaches 64-74 Percent of N. Korea' May 2 (Yonhap) -- The capability of South Korea's armed forces still lags behind that of North Korea, military experts said recently. According to the Korea Research Institute for Strategy, South Korea is superior in terms of quality, but North Korea has the advantage in terms of quantity, with twice the amount of forces. It said the North is still stronger than the South in overall military capability.)

    A panelist on the TV show asked Roh whether the relocation and reduction of the U.S. troops would make Seoul forfeit an important card for arms reduction negotiations with North Korea. Roh said there had been no coordination with Washington on the matter, but that he would talk about it in-depth at the summit with President George W. Bush. Analysts said that indicates that Roh may recommend a plan to link the relocations to North Korea's pulling back of its forward-deployed troops.

    But a high-ranking official at the Defense Ministry dismissed the idea, saying it had been raised by scholars and think tanks but was unrealistic.

    The cost to South Korea if the U.S. pulled out should not have been a surprise. In November 2002, the Unification Ministry stated that Korea would have to spend more than $30 billion to offset the defense capabilities of the U.S. troops stationed here, should they withdraw from the Korean peninsula. In a report to the National Assembly's Unification, Foreign Affairs and Trade Committee, the ministry also estimated the value of U.S. equipment and logistics at $14 billion, the equivalent of South Korea's yearly defense budget. Its reserve ammunitions for war, called War Reserve Stock for Allies, constitute about 60 percent of those needed for a possible war on the peninsula. South Korean can procure the same amount only if it invests its 30-year budget for military education and training, according to the report. The Defense Ministry requested 17.4 trillion won ($14.1 billion) as its defense budget for fiscal year 2003.

    Results of Summit Meeting on May 15 The leaders of South Korea and United States again came out in favor of a peaceful resolution to North Korea's nuclear weapons program while linking economic support of the North to the nuclear issue. After their summit in Washington, President Roh and President Bush stressed the importance of making "the complete, verifiable and irreversible elimination of North Korea's nuclear weapons program through peaceful means based on international cooperation." The two countries, however, left open the possibility of taking "further steps" for the resolution of the North's standoff against the U.S. over its nuclear weapons program.

    Regarding the repositioning of the U.S. troops stationed in Korea, Bush reconfirmed the U.S. commitment to "a robust forward presence on the peninsula and in the Asia-Pacific region." The two leaders agreed the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) headquarters in Yongsan, central Seoul, will be relocated as early as possible. However, the two agreed to take time to carefully consider the security situation on the peninsula and Northeast Asia before repositioning the 2d ID stationed near the border with the North. In a joint statement released at the end of a summit meeting, the two sides agreed that "the relocation of U.S. bases north of the Han River should be pursued, taking careful account of the political, economic and security situation on the peninsula and in Northeast Asia." Seoul officials consider the statement as far closer to the position of South Korea that the relocation of the Indian Division should be considered only after the resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue.

    Initial Korean press reports stated the U.S. had stepped back from its insistence on redeploying the 2d ID, north of Seoul, to further south of the Han River in a departure from the decades-old concept of the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK)'s role as a trip-wire for automatic involvement in war. The MND on May 16 first interpreted the South Korea-U.S. summit statement as indicating the two countries would temporarily suspend talks on relocation of a forward-deployed American military unit. Lt. Gen. Cha Young-koo, deputy minister of defense for policy, said that the statement meant the two countries will address the matter in time.

    Though the joint communique was ambiguous on interpretations of the wording, Donald Rumsfeld was not. He immediately stated that he held the option of restructuring the forces open -- meaning that the U.S. had NOT changed its mind about relocation and restructuring/reducing the forces. On May 15 Reuters reported that US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said the US could remove some of its 37,000 troops from the ROK even as it improved peninsula security in a nuclear face-off with the DPRK. He told reporters that the DPRK's growing nuclear threat had not changed his mind about the possibility of withdrawing some US troops and moving others away from the North-South border while improving mobility and high-tech capability. Rumsfeld and US Air Force Gen. Richard Myers, chairman of the Pentagon Joint Chiefs of Staff, said no decisions had been made and that any changes would come only over time after close ongoing consultation with Seoul. They spoke at a news briefing a day after the US and ROK presidents vowed to work with allies to halt Pyongyang's nuclear ambitions, striking agreement that papered over differences over how to disarm the communist state. "The ultimate test is how capable, how lethal, how effective is what you have. And it does not necessarily -- as we learned in Iraq -- go to the total number of forces," Rumsfeld told reporters.

    On 18 May Foreign Minister Yoon Young-kwan said the joint bilateral statement issued in Washington did not mean an indefinite postponement of plans to redeploy the 2d ID. Appearing on a KBS TV program to explain the results of President Roh Moo-hyun's recent visit to the United States, Yoon said they were some problems with that interpretation. He made it clear reshuffling the division's assets would be pushed forward, though this would be done carefully to take into account the security, economic and political situation on the peninsula. This means that the U.S. WOULD move some assets but only after evaluation of the security situation.

    Then on 19 May Ra Jong-yil, senior presidential adviser on national security, said the plan to relocate the 2d ID was part of a shift in the U.S. global strategy. "The 2nd Infantry Division will be redeployed sometime in the future but it cannot proceed without a prior agreement between Korea and the United States," he said. The future strategy of the ROK is becoming clearer. If the ROK does NOT release the additional land to the USFK around proposed relocation areas, the USFK cannot move. This is the same stall that caused the 1990 MOU to relocate Yongsan Garrison to Pyongtaek to be shelved and put the movement on a hold and returned the situation to the status quo. The only difference is that the U.S. now has the trump card of pulling out completely.

    "Tripwire" a Bankrupt Concept The following is an opinion on Korea Watch on 25 May.


    US forces in Korea have been called a “tripwire” for some time. This practice will hopefully end, as this week US Forces Korea commander General Leon J. LaPort called it a “bankrupt concept.” US troops in Korea will no longer be called a tripwire.

    The concept of the tripwire is based on the idea that Korea is such a small, unimportant country that the only thing that would insure US involvement in the event of a north Korean attack would be the death of large numbers of US troops.

    The problem with the tripwire was that it was not US policy. It, like the “nuclear umbrella” was smoke and mirrors. The assumption that a given action against the US or US interests would result in specific reaction or commitment was reckless and unjustified. The reaction of a nation as complex as the United States is impossible to predetermine. However, the military and politicians have bandied the word about so much that it obscured understanding of the complex military and treaty structure between the United States and Korea.

    The overly simple view of US involvement in the defense of south Korea as a “Trip Wire” led to some to call for the US to “take its ball and go home” in reaction to anti-Americanism just as politicians in previous years anxious for a “peace dividend” had called for getting troops out of Korea because of the “prosperity” of south Korea compared to the north. US policy in North-East Asia, except for the period under the Clinton Administration beginning in 1993, has been consistent and well understood. The first part of US policy sought to avoid an arms race in North East Asia. Far fewer deployable US forces are stationed in Korea and Japan then in Europe. The US did not encourage Japan to rearm as an ally against the Soviet Union during the Cold War. The US has sought to help south Korea maintain a force capable of defending south Korea but not to the extent that it has acquired weapons or quantity of force that would encourage either more weapons transfers to north Korea or redeployment of Chinese or Soviet Forces in the region.

    The second part of US Policy was a form of “one Korea policy.” North Korea has consistently denied the south Korean government has had any legitimacy and the US has responded by making it clear that, while the US has great influence, any issues relating to north Korea were to be handled directly o­nly by south Korea, the United Nations Command, or international organizations like the IAEA. Underlying this is the realization that if north Korea and south Korea cannot resolve their differences or if north Korea cannot live up to international commitments, there is little to be gained by direct talks.

    The Clinton Administration abandoned both parts of the decades old US Korean policy. Their move to attack north Korea’s nuclear facilities in response to north Korean threats to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty instead of focusing on dealing with the matter through the IAEA or the Joint Declaration for the De-Nuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and their subsequent direct dealings with north Korea opened the door to years of blackmail and the establishment of north Korea’s “Military First” policy. Clinton administration direct dealings with north Korea even led to north Korea’s UN ambassador stating on the United Nations General Assembly floor that the 94 Agreed Framework superseded the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty.

    However, even worse was that by threatening actions without the approval of south Korea’s government that had the possibility of severe repercussions o­n south Korea, the Clinton administration dumped gasoline o­n shouldering anti-Americanism and it played a major role in south Korea’s presidential election.

    Fortunately, the US and south Korean militaries have kept cool heads and have continued their joint efforts to deter the north and improve the joint force. South Korean military leaders recognized that interoperability with US forces and the sharing of proven US war fighting skills was more important then the marginally superior performance and billions of dollars of economic offsets and picked the F-15K as their new high performance fighter. South Korean military commanders have also held the line with the Roh administration, convincing them that the policy held by all previous administrations in Korea, that US forces are key to the continued security of Korea and North East Asia and that the anti-Americanism of Roh’s most ardent supporters endanger the US-south Korean alliance.

    US commanders in Korea have also worked to preserve the ability of US forces to continue to operate in Korea. They have tried to accommodate the concerns of south Koreans by turning needed training lands back to south Koreans, they have given south Korea greater ability to prosecute US soldiers for crimes committed in Korea, they are working to encourage among soldiers an appreciation of and respect for Korea and Koreans, and as much as possible they have accommodated any justified request and listened to any reasonable complaint.

    The latest efforts to restructure and relocate US troops are part of this effort as well. The United States has, since the early 1990s worked to reduce the number of troops in south Korea and redeploy the troops that remain to reduce the footprint of US troops in Korea. Some of the bases US troops use have been in those locations since before the Korean War. At the time, bases like the 8th US Army Headquarters in Seoul were built o­n fields miles away from the nearest city. Now many of these bases are in the middle of Korean cities, some in the most densely populated and expensive areas to live in the world. These bases must support each other by moving through traffic conditions worse then any rush hour in the United States.

    The withdraw of additional troops was supposed to happen in the early 90s, but when north Korea failed to comply with the terms of the Joint Declaration for the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, it was felt that further withdrawals would send the wrong message to north Korea. Relocation of US bases was planned for early 90s as well, but was delayed because of the costs associated with the move, since south Korea had agreed to bear most of the cost of providing equivalent facilities as the new location.

    Withdrawal of some US troops and relocation of other troops “out of artillery range” does not change the US role in south Korea’s defense, except that it does provide a better ability to defend the area around the Osan/Pyongtaek area where most US air power is concentrated. This area is also important to the movement of troops and equipment into Korea in the event of hostilities, and since the area defended o­nly by south Korean militia units, the relocation of US combat and support troops to this area will make the overall situation more secure. A reassessment of US force structure is underway throughout the military. A reassessment of what is needed in south Korea is also long overdue, especially given the latest policy established by the Bush administration.

    The press, in the controversy over President Bush wearing a flight suit, missed one of the biggest pronouncements since the Axis of Evil. President Bush has announced that the United States no longer has to attack a country, but can isolate and attack a country’s leaders.

    In the images of falling statues, we have witnessed the arrival of a new era. For a hundred years of war, culminating in the nuclear age, military technology was designed and deployed to inflict casualties on an ever-growing scale. In defeating Nazi Germany and imperial Japan, Allied Forces destroyed entire cities, while enemy leaders who started the conflict were safe until the final days. Military power was used to end a regime by breaking a nation.

    U.S. Proposes Bolstering Forces On 27 May, the U.S. conveyed a plan to Korea to preposition assets for a heavy brigade where it would be stored on transport vessels. The equipment would comprise 130 tanks and infantry fighting vehicles and 110 other vehicles, along with supplies and ammunition. In addition, the Patriots were bolstered by 16 PAC-3 Patriot missiles to counter the North's missile threat. A new runway at Osan is proposed to fulfill the U.S. vision to have it as an "air hub." The 2nd ID would become a lighter and mobile SBCT (Stryker Brigade Combat Team). The deployment of a SBCT to Korea for a training exercise this summer certainly sounds as though the Secretary of Defense is highly optimistic that the 3rd Brigade, 2d Infantry Division (Arrowhead Brigade) will complete its certification as an Interim SBCT and be deployed to Korea. (See GlobalSecurity.org: 3d Bde, 2d ID for details. See Stryker ICBT: Our Opinion for the pro-cons of the Stryker in combination with other USFK assets.) The following was from the Chosun Ilbo on 27 May:

    U.S. Bolstering Defenses on Peninsula

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    The United States has notified South Korea's defense minister about a plan to send equipment but not troops for one heavy brigade to a local port, where it would be stored on three or four transport vessels, an informed source said this week. The move is seen by some analysts as part of plan by Washington to safeguard against an emergency situation should the talks with North Korea to settle the nuclear crisis break down.

    The equipment would comprise 130 tanks and infantry fighting vehicles and 110 other vehicles, along with supplies and ammunition. The vessels would be in the 40,000-60,000 ton class.

    The South Korean government will take an earnest approach about whether to accept this proposal, as well as determining details like place and time, while bearing in mind the sensitivity of the issue with relation to North Korea, the source said.

    The United States also decided to bolster its defenses here by deploying an additional 16 PAC-3 Patriot missiles in addition to the 48 Patriots already on the peninsula. The move would more effectively counter North Korea's ballistic missiles.

    The U.S. Forces Korea is also planning to build an additional landing strip at Osan air base to enable quicker movement of forces and equipment if an emergency were to occur. Also, it wants to upgrade the forward-deployed 2nd Infantry Division to SBCT (Stryker Brigade Combat Team) status, to make its forces lighter and more mobile. America is also studying plans to send an SBCT unit to South Korea this summer for a military exercise.

    A USFK official said the transformation to SBCT was in line with America's long-term plans to reorganize and reduce its troop count here while strengthening its fighting power and deterrence effect at the same time. He denied that the plans were related to the nuclear issue with North Korea. But some experts said the moves seemed to be designed to prepare for a possible worsening of the crisis.
    On 2 June, the USFK unveiled its plan for forces buildup "to drastically enhance its war capability against the North by bolstering its forces with high-tech arms and deploying swift-action units as part of an $11 billion initiative over the next three years." In an Korea Herald article on 2 June it stated that the announcement was designed "to demonstrate the firm Korea-U.S. alliance and thus ease security concerns that have had a dampening effect on South Korea's economy." It was also seen as an obvious warning to North Korea over its nuclear threats. Gen LaPorte glossed over the spending issue when he stated the U.S. military currently spends about $3 billion per year to maintain troops in South Korea, but this does not include the other costs which run up to $20 billion annually.

    (SITE NOTE: Many people keyed in on the "$11 billion" figure without asking the question of whether the "150 improvements" over the "next four years" would benefit the U.S. overall (world-wide) fighting capabilities or actually be a direct benefit to Korea. Though not privy to the complete plan for the improvements, we would guess that the $11 billion figure was the lump sum of EXISTING programs -- but released to give the impression they were something NEW. For example, the multi-million dollar Apache AH-64A upgrade was something ALREADY in the mill. Another example would be the $250 million recently committed by Congress was to lock the ROK into committing OFFICIALLY to procure land in Osan/Pyongtaek. If you add previously programmed construction and upgrade programs stretching to 2007 for equipment, facilities and real property, you would have a significant total. We think this is the "shell game" the USFK played with great impact and skill. They created the impression of some fantastic NEW program -- when it really is a rehash of the old. The USFK is playing hardball negotiating and using the press to its advantage -- with the "$11 billion" figure publicized throughout the world. This placed the ROK on the defensive and exactly into the negotiating position the USFK intended.

    The ROK was playing with a very weak negotiating hand -- and the "$11 billion" figure made it weaker. In November 2002, the Unification Ministry stated that Korea would have to spend more than $30 billion to offset the defense capabilities of the U.S. troops stationed here if they should leave. The ministry also estimated the value of U.S. equipment and logistics at $14 billion, the equivalent of South Korea's yearly defense budget. Its reserve ammunitions for war, called War Reserve Stock for Allies, constitute about 60 percent of those needed for a possible war on the peninsula.

    Boxed into a corner, the Roh administration increased the defense budget to 3.2 percent of GNP for 2004 from its 2.7 percent in 2003. However, the Koreans were playing games with the budget before the ink was dry by postponing the E-X program for the SAM-X, but later backpedalling without saying anything substantive.)
    LaPorte outlined several SHORT-TERM "reinforcements" to the USFK including the use of special, swift-response brigades, known as Stryker, which will be deployed on a rotational basis. We believe the phrase "rotational basis" allows the USFK to pull out elements of the SBCT in the future and send them to other hot spots as required. This allows the U.S. to NOT be locked in -- currently as it is -- with a stationary force. This would be inline with the vision for a mobile, worldwide deployable force -- and cannot be argued by the Koreans. (See Stryker ICBT: Our Opinion for the pro-cons of the Stryker in combination with other USFK assets.)

    The plan also calls for the U.S. military to improve its intelligence gathering capabilities and increase its stocks of precision joint direct attack munitions (JDAMS). The JDAMS is already being built up in Korea with praises over its ease of assembly as well as reduced inspection schedule after buildup.

    LaPorte stated that the initiative would include the deployment of upgraded PAC-3 Patriot missile systems along with the Apache Longbow multi-role helicopters. However, as was mentioned before we believe these "improvements" were already in the mill such as the Longbow upgrade. The PAC-3 on the other hand being moved to Korea is a logical choice as it provides the "salespitch" for Asia countries interested in the Missile Defense scheme -- such as Japan, Taiwan and reluctantly, South Korea.

    JUNE 2003

    USFK Unveils Its Reinforcement SchemeThe following is from Korea Times on 1 Jun. What is significant is that the USFK announced its plan BEFORE the 4th Meeting of the Future of the ROK-US Alliance. The significance is that it appeared that the U.S. was dictating the terms of the agreement because they were operating from a position of strength -- pointing out the weakness of the ROK in intelligence sources, high tech weaponry and stabbing at the ROK over its low-level of defense spending.

    The announcement that the Stryker Interim SBCT caused a stir. It would be the hinge-pin on the plan to relocate the forces in Korea south of the Han and reduce the presence of the USFK on the DMZ. (See Stryker for details on the Stryker SBCT.)

    All of the new "improvements" were actually projects already underway. (NOTE: The PAC-3 Patriots were in country in July and certified in September. The last of the Apache squadrons were in the process of being upgraded to the Longbow in June. The JDAMS munitions were already being modified for USFK air units starting in 2002.)



    USFK Unveils Massive Force Reinforcement Scheme

    By Seo Soo-min
    Staff Reporter

    The United States will invest additional $11 billion over the next three years to strengthen its forces in South Korea, procuring upgraded missile systems and reinforcing military intelligence, the Defense Ministry and the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) said Saturday.

    Defense Minister Cho Young-kil and USFK Commander Gen. Leon J. LaPorte announced the drastic force reinforcement plans at a joint press conference at the ministry headquarters Saturday.

    The announcement comes at a time when the U.S. and North Korea are locked in a bitter dispute over the latter's nuclear programs. Analysts said it could incite fierce protests from Pyongyang.

    According to the plan, the U.S. will set aside additional $11 billion (14 trillion won) for the next three years, which amounts to 80 percent of South Korea's defense budget of 17.4 trillion won this year.

    LaPorte explained the money will be spent on upgrading intelligence collection systems and increasing the number of improved precision munitions.

    Investment will also be made for new Stryker units, special army swift-action forces, who will be deployed here on a rotational basis, and also for additions to the WRSA (war reserve stock for allies) pre-positioned here.

    As a result, the first unit of Stryker Brigade Combat Team (SBCT) will arrive to South Korea this summer from their training center at Fort Polk, Louisiana, Defense Ministry sources said.


    Units of PAC-3, an upgraded system of the Patriot missiles, will be added to the existing Patriot battalion run by the USFK in South Korea since 1994, to more effectively ward off possible threats from North Korea, they said.

    A plan is also under way to replace the oldest of USFK fighter helicopters with AH-64D Apache Longbows. Unguided free-fall bombs will be replaced by accurately guided smart bombs with the introduction of Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) kits.

    ``Our upgrades in capabilities demonstrate the firm U.S. commitment to the long-standing South Korea-U.S. alliance,'' Gen. LaPorte said. The two sides agreed to continue consultations on short- and long-term enhancements.

    The U.S.'s latest announcement is seen as a signal to swiftly proceed with the realignment of the 37,000 USFK troops. The deployment of Stryker units could lead to a transformation of the 2nd U.S. Infantry Division near the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), experts pointed out.

    The plan is also a follow-up on the agreement to reinforce defense of Seoul from possible artillery attacks north of the DMZ, forged at the annual defense ministers' talks in Washington D.C. last year.

    The U.S. strongly insisted on giving a joint press conference Saturday, although South Korea initially opposed to the proposal for fear of elevating tensions amid the deepening rift over Pyongyang's nuclear programs. During the South Korea-U.S. summit last month, President Roh Moo-hyun and U.S. President George W. Bush agreed to take ``further steps'' against the North if tension escalates, which triggered fierce protest from Pyongyang.


    Second Future of Alliance Policy Initiative Meeting (June 4-5) The second Future of the Alliance Policy Initiative Meeting dealing with the realignment of U.S. military forces in South Korea was scheduled for June 4-5 in Seoul. Originally the meeting was to be held in early May, but the 2d ID relocation issue was elevated to the ROK-US Summit on 15 May. At the meeting, the two sides were to pick up on security consultations by their respective leaders during the summit. The focus would be on the realignment of the 37,000 U.S. military personnel located at 95 bases around the country. Some details of the Yongsan Garrison relocation project are expected to emerge from the meeting, including costs, sites and dates, as the two sides agreed at the first session to proceed with the move as swiftly as possible. Also of interest is how the two sides will handle the 2nd U.S. Infantry Division relocation issue.

    On 4 Jun, the ROK and U.S. kicked off a second round of talks on the Future Alliance. They discussed such issues as the realignment of U.S. troops stationed here and ways to enhance the capabilities of the two countries. The two sides reportedly talked at length on the relocation schedule of the U.S. military garrison in Yongsan, Seoul as well as an alternative site and the financial costs involved.

    During the Washington summit, President Roh Moo-hyun and U.S. President George W. Bush arrived at a provisional agreement to pursue the move after considering the overall security situation on the peninsula and in Northeast Asia, where the North Korean nuclear dispute currently looms large. As before, Assistant Defense Minister for Policy Maj. Gen. Cha Young-koo will head the South Korean side. Richard Lawless, deputy assistant secretary of defense for East Asia and Pacific, will head the U.S. team.


    Gen LaPonte, Richard Lawless, Paul Wolfowitz (1 June)


    Paul Wolfowitz, the U.S. deputy defense secretary arrived on June 1 for a two-day visit. Wolfowitz, considered a hardliner in Washington, was to deal with security-related issues in meetings with Defense Minister Cho Young-kil, Foreign Affairs-Trade Minister Yoon Young-kwan and other senior Seoul officials.

    To welcome him to Seoul demonstrators were poised at all the main gates to Yongsan Garrison. This was the first mass demonstration against the USFK facility since some small peaceful demonstrations in April. However, there are plans for much larger demonstrations on 12 June to mark the anniversary of the deaths of the two girls killed on the DMZ in 2002. (SEE Protests: June 2003.)

    Wolfowitz called for South Korea yesterday to increase its national defense budget amid heightening tension over North Korea' s suspected nuclear weapons. "We know the defense budget of (the Korean) GDP is 2.7 percent. Americans do more and I think South Korea can certainly do more," Wolfowitz said during a news conference. He was responding to a question over reports that he requested South Korean lawmakers to assist in raising the defense budget. (SITE NOTE: On 12 Jun the MND requested 22.3 trillion won (about $18.6 billion) for next year's budget, up 28.3 percent from this year and increased the budget to 3.2 percent of GDP.)

    During 2 Jun Press Conference at the Lotte Hotel.

    Q: SBS. We heard reports that this morning you met with the Defense Committee members of the National Assembly and that in this meeting you requested an increase in South Korea's defense budget. Is this true? What's the relation between this and the U.S.'s enhancement plan?

    Wolfowitz: We did talk about the need for more investment in defense by South Korea. I believe now the defense burden is 2.7% of GNP. I think South Korea can certainly do more. My country does more. Doing more, even in relatively moderate increases, could make a huge difference. Let me give you one example, which made a big impression on me while I was here. The commander of our Special Forces here in Korea said that Korean Special Forces are as good as any he's seen anywhere in the world. But they still work with paper and pencil, instead of with the modern communications gear that our Special Forces took with them to Afghanistan, that demonstrated a really revolutionary capability. That's the kind of enhancement that South Korea could make to its existing Special Forces with relatively modest investments that would multiply many, many times the effectiveness of those forces to defend this country. We're talking about measures that will save both Korean and American lives in the event that there's a war. Even more important, they'd contribute to deterrence, reducing the likelihood that a war will take place. So I think it's a wise investment. I think Korea can afford it. You might ask why I have any business commenting on it. The answer is that we're in this together. We are allies together. We're investing a great deal to enhance our capabilities. I think it's appropriate for South Korea to do the same.

    He stated the U.S. has more than 150 enhancements to build up the USFK, a significant investment in the U.S.-Korea alliance. He urged Korea to make a supplementary investment corresponding to the U.S. one in order to build up the ROK forces. The remarks came two days after the U.S. Forces Korea said it will spend an additional $11 billion over the next three years to improve its intelligence-gathering capabilities and other weaponry systems. Seoul will be expected to increase defense spending or pitch in to defray stationing costs for the USFK. According to the plan, the U.S. will set aside an additional $11 billion (14 trillion won) over the next three years, which amounts to 80 percent of South Korea's defense budget of 17.4 trillion won this year. Analysts also say the Americans will ask Seoul to introduce weapons systems that would be compatible with theirs.

    Wolfowitz explained the military build-up plan is not to add tension on the peninsula but to enhance the combined defence against North Korea. He said the 2nd Infantry Division will also be "affected" by U.S. plans to consolidate its bases on the peninsula, but said the troop redeployment will be implemented in a way that allows American forces to "respond quickly and immediately" to any attacks from the North.

    Wolfowitz stated that the US realignment would be implemented next year and would include the 2nd Infantry Division, some 15,000 troops based close to the heavily-fortified border with the ROK. This would coincide with the ROK-US Security Review that is to conclude in September 2003 -- along with the ROK-US Future Alliance Initiative meetings. North Korea has opposed the redeployment of the 2nd Infantry to the south of Seoul, believing this would offer Washington the opportunity to launch a pre-emptive attack on the DPRK's nuclear facilities beyond the range of a reprisal attack with Pyongyang's artillery massed on the border. In response to this, Wolfowitz said the US forces were "somewhat disadvantaged in their current setup" -- meaning that their stationary position on the DMZ handicaps U.S. strategy.

    FUTURE OF THE ALLIANCE POLICY INITIATIVE

    Joint Statement on "Future of the ROK-US Alliance Policy Initiative - 2003. 6. 05

    1. The second meeting of the "Future of the ROK-US Alliance Policy Initiative" was held in Seoul on June 4-5. Lieutenant General Cha Young Koo, Deputy Minister for Policy of the ROK Ministry of National Defense (MND), Mr. Shim Yoon Joe, Director-General, North American Affairs Bureau of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (MOFAT), and Mr. Richard P. Lawless, the U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (DASD) for Asia-Pacific Affairs, Mr. Christopher LaFleur, Special Envoy of the U.S. Department of State (DOS), led their respective delegations, which included members of the ROK MND and the U.S. DOD, as well as the ROK MOFAT and the U.S DOS.

    2. The first meeting of the "Future of the U.S.-ROK Alliance Policy Initiative" was held in Seoul on April 8-9.

    3. The two sides reaffirmed that the U.S.-ROK Summit between President Roh Moo Hyun and President George W. Bush in Washington D.C. on May 14 provided the basis for further promoting and developing the U.S.-ROK Alliance for the 21st century, making the bilateral relationship closer and stronger as the two nations celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the Alliance.

    4. The two sides agreed on the need to develop detailed plans to carry out the vision of the two Presidents on modernizing the alliance. They reaffirmed the relocation of Yongsan at an early date and the consolidation of U.S. forces in Korea around key hubs, taking careful account of the political, economic and security situation on the Peninsula and in Northeast Asia. In this regard, they agreed to begin work on several important implementation plans with the goal of completing them by the Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) in late September:

    • An Implementation Plan for Capability Enhancement
    • An Implementation Plan for Yongsan Relocation
    • An Implementation Plan for the Transfer of Military Missions
    • An Implementation Plan for the Realignment of U.S. forces in the ROK
    5. The two sides had very productive and in-depth consultations on major issues for the transformation of the current ROK-US Alliance. They agreed on a number of items designed to enhance, shape, and align the Alliance.

    6. Both sides agreed that our fundamental goal is to enhance deterrence and security on the Korean peninsula and improve the combined defense. The U.S. side reiterated Deputy Secretary of Defense Wolfowitz's recent statements on the U.S. commitment to improving the ROK-US Alliance. Both sides also agreed on the importance of structuring U.S. forces in a manner that further promotes regional stability.

    7. The U.S. side presented a detailed explanation of its plan to invest in over 150 enhancements to the combined defense, valued at over $11 billion, over the next four years. Both sides agreed that this is a substantial U.S. investment in the future of the Alliance and the security of the Republic of Korea. The ROK side indicated that it would substantially enhance ROK military capabilities to strengthen the Alliance. The two sides agreed to detailed consultation between the ROK and US JCS on transformation of combined forces.

    8. The two sides agreed to proceed with transfer of certain missions between U.S. and ROK forces, in conjunction with the ROK-US combined capabilities enhancement. Both sides agreed that this is in keeping with the agreement at the summit meeting that the ROK's growing national strength provides an opportunity to expand the role of the ROK military in defending the Korean peninsula. The two sides reaffirmed their agreement to study possible mid- and long-term changes to command relationships.

    9. In order to support the early movement of U.S. forces currently located in Yongsan out of Seoul and the overall realignment of U.S. forces in Korea, to include those north of the Han River, both sides agreed that the ROK government would start procuring appropriate land in 2004. Once the implementation plan is finalized selected facilities can be returned in the first year. The consolidation will take a number of years and proceed in two phases. Under the first phase, U.S. forces north of the Han River will consolidate in the Camp Casey and Camp Red Cloud area. In phase two, U.S. forces north of the Han River would move to the key hubs south of the Han River. The two sides agreed to sustain a U.S. military rotational training presence north of the Han even after the completion of phase two.

    10. The two sides agreed to hold a ROK-US Defense Ministerial Talk in Washington D.C. soon to consult on follow-up measures to the ROK-US Summit and the recent visit by Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz on enhancing, shaping and aligning the Alliance.

    11. Assessing that the second meeting has contributed to further strengthening the ROK-US alliance, the two sides agreed to hold the 3rd meeting in the U.S. in July.

    First Step of Relocation from Yongsan Announced: The Chosun Ilbo stated that of the 7,000 U.S. soldiers stationed at the Yongsan base in Seoul, all except 1,000 will be relocated to the Osan-Pyeongtaek area, According to Gen.LaPorte, along with plans to strengthen the capabilities of the USFK, LaPorte said, its concept of operations would be changed to focus more on the defense of Seoul, the country's economic and political center.

    No other decision about troop relocations had been made beside the removal of troops from Seoul. The numbers involved in the announcement indicate that the Combined Forces Command (CFC) headquarters and some support facilities of the United Nations Command would stay in Yongsan.

    The timing of troop reductions and relocations will probably be accelerated, analysts say, because of the plans to change the USFK's operational concept and massively increase its fighting capability. LaPorte said that the objective of the USFK, following its increase in fighting capability, will be not only to stop a North Korean invasion but also to ensure the stability of Northeast Asia by being able to invervene whenever hostilities break out in the region.

    LaPorte also said Washington plans to invest $220 million in Camp Humphrey in Pyeongtaek to help assimilate the troop relocation, on the condition that Seoul grants more land there for U.S. use. He also said that a squadron of AH-64D Longbow Apache attack helicopters will return to the Korean Peninsula next week as part of the USFK's latest $11 billion military build-up plan. He said the unit completed the U.S. army's transformation and modernization plan.

    Withdrawal from DMZ in Two Stages: But When??? According to a Chosun Ilbo article, Seoul and Washington at the second round of the ROK-US Future Alliance Meeting have agreed on plans to relocate the 2d ID to south of the Han River in two stages. They also decided to establish detailed plans on the realignment of Yongsan Garrison and the 2ID before the ROK-U.S. Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) scheduled in September.

    At the end of this year, some facilities at Yongsan will be returned to the Korean government and in 2004 the ROK will start purchasing land into which Yongsan will move in Pyeongtaek and Osan. This begs a question. Why is the ROK only moving to buy land now? To some, it appears that the ROK has started into their "foot-dragging" mode. It signed a MOU in 1990 to relocate Yongsan and requests for land at Osan was laid out in the Land Partnership Plan of 2001. How come it took so long? We believe the negotiators already have that answer. The U.S. has allocated $220 million for the relocation contingent upon the ROK providing the land for expansion. (SITE NOTE: On 23 Jun, Seoul City Mayor Lee Myung-bak his administration will build a large park on the U.S. military compound in Yongsan, central Seoul, after the relocation of the U.S. military facilities. "We will demolish the structures in the Yongsan military compound after relocation of the U.S. military base there and make it into a park," Lee said in an interview with a radio program.)

    On an MBC radio talk show, Gen. LaPorte dismissed media reports that the U.S. plans to relocate the 2d ID from the DMZ starting in October 2003. He stressed the U.S. forces have no plan to reposition any of its military bases in Korea before October except for the Yongsan garrison.

    However, the Chosun Ilbo article also stated that because of "all the details involved, such as the purchase of land," the full-scale relocation of the 2d ID won't begin for FOUR OR FIVE YEARS. This announcement flies in the face of statements from Paul Wolfowitz and Donald Rumsfeld on the time table. The U.S. is at a disadvantage in negotiating with the North while the USFK troops are on the DMZ. They want to move the 2d ID south as soon as possible. On the other hand, President Roh feels the troops should remain on the DMZ and be used as a bargaining chip to reduce the North's military -- which equates to "foot-dragging."

    According to a Associated Press story, Rumsfeld wants to give the USFK the flexibility to train for missions elsewhere in the region. U.S. officials have been discussing these issues with the South Koreans for months, as he studies U.S. troop repositioning possibilities elsewhere in the world. Some have argued that the United States should not pull troops away from the border area unless the North Koreans reciprocate, but Rumsfeld believes the U.S. moves should be made regardless because they strengthen the U.S. defense situation, not weaken it. However, Rumsfeld's comments in April created uneasiness in South Korea, which worried that reductions would put the ROK at greater risk of a North Korean attack.

    • The first stage would consolidate the various U.S. units at 15 small camps at two central sites - Camp Casey in Tongducheon, and Camp Cloud, the division's headquarters in Uijeongbu. (This was laid out in the LPP of 2001. However, Gen. Cha said that the Land Partnership Plan, which was supposed to be implemented by 2011 for a smooth realignment of U.S. bases scattered around the nation, would be pushed ahead with implementation earlier than scheduled.)
    • The second stage would have the U.S. bases north of the Han River be relocated to south of the river. (This was announced in by the USFK in April 2003 as an item that was non-negotiable -- despite the South's protests and foot-dragging.)
    • Finally, a "two-hub-three-base format" would ensue for the U.S. military presence on the peninsula. The two hubs would be Pyeongtaek-Osan and Taegu-Pusan. The three bases would be Yongsan, where the Combined Forces Command (CFC) Headquarters will remain (with 1000 USFK personnel); a joint training facility near the DMZ -- the Korean Training Center (KTC) above Tongduchon; and Kunsan AB. (This was announced by Donald Rumsfeld in March 2003.)
    The head of the Korean delegation for the talks, Lt. Gen. Cha Yeong-goo, the chief policymaker for the ministry, explained that the changes are still in the "conception phase," and the timing for the relocation has yet to be decided. Along with this, South Korea and the U.S. also decided to finish establishing plans to develop military capabilities for the modernization of the alliance before the SCM in September. The two nations' defense ministers will meet in Washington D.C. at the earliest possible time. The third round of the meetings will be held next month in the United States.

    The news conference of Gen Cha bore all the earmarks of the same techniques used affer the first ROK-US Future Alliance Meeting in April to placate the concerns of the Korean populace with misinformation. The ROK style after the first meeting was to deny the relocation issue was ever discussed. Following the second meeting Cha said, "Continuing U.S. military exercises near the DMZ "will mean that U.S. troops will continue to play the role of a tripwire to deter war." He said, "Even after the U.S. 2ID's realignment is finished, U.S. soldiers will stay at the front in turns as part of a training program. This meeting was to draw a rough sketch for the realignment in American troop deployments, so at present it is difficult to say a specific time for the realignment." This sound-good statement is simply that USFK troops will utilize the KTC above Tongduchon for training on a rotational basis as they do now.

    Despite all the slanted information, we believe that the U.S. holds all the bargaining chips and are simply "confering" with their ROK counterparts on the changes that will occur -- whether they want them to or not.

    On 10 Jun the Stars & Stripes Pacific Edition ran an article (by Jeremy Kirk and Franklin Fisher) that stated, "Even though plans were announcedto shift the 2nd Infantry Division and much of the 8th Army southward, soldiers are being told not to plan on moving just yet. "This is a long-term initiative," said Lt. Col. Steve Boylan, 8th Army PAO. "Don’t listen to rumors about packing your bags. This is still in the discussion phase and planning phase." Boylan said the command has issued a statement for commanders to read to soldiers in their units. U.S.-South Korean studies will precede any moves, he said, adding, "What’s being talked about between the two governments does not have any type of immediate effect on soldiers in South Korea."

    New Plan of Attack for North Korea? On 4 Jun an article from The Age it stated that the U.S. set a new plan of attack for North Korea. Supposedly the U.S. was developing a new set of war plans that would bypass the Demilitarised Zone dividing the two Koreas and target North Korea's leadership in Pyongyang. The plan is based on the success of US-led forces in Iraq in quickly reaching Baghdad. According to the article, US officials said that under the plan, US and South Korean forces would be consolidated in two areas away from the DMZ. If war broke out, the forces would skirt the DMZ and head for Pyongyang. "This is Kim Jong-il's worst nightmare," one official said.

    The report also said the recently announced $US11 billion upgrade of the capabilities of US forces in South Korea would give them the ability to "take down" North Korea's heavy presence on the border within an hour of war breaking out.

    In February 2002 it was reported that the US military was updating OPLAN 5027 in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks. This included a military calculation of the force needed to remove North Korean leader Kim Jung Il.

    In mid-2002 a top aide to Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld briefed a concept of operations for striking North Korea's weapons of mass destruction. This case study in the application of the Bush administration's new doctrine of pre-emptive military action envisioned a swift attack, carried out without consulting South Korea, America's ally on the peninsula. Soon after word of the briefing spread, administration officials, including Secretary of State Colin Powell and Adm. Thomas Fargo, commander of US forces in the Pacific, worked to stifle further discussion of the scheme.


    However, the idea of a regime change HAS been part of the USFK OPLAN 5027 as part of their "take the fight north" strategy after the follow-on arrives. (See North Korean Versus USFK Strategy for details.) The difference between this and this latest report is that the USFK is planning to decimate the North in the first few hours and then use existing in-place USFK units to sweep north. This report is sensational -- but will require some verification before it can be believed.

    However, we do know there are some significant changes in the works over North Korean attack strategy. On 2 June Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz said, "The essence of what we're trying to do is to make sure that the forces we have here on the peninsula can respond quickly and immediately, even before reinforcements arrive if there were ever to be an attack." Under the SBCT concept, the Stryker Brigade will have greater flexibility to move and counter-attack. However, it is mainly an "Interim" force until the "Heavy Brigade" moves in. What shape this new USFK strategy in Korea will take we are uncertain at this time, but its role will be primarily defensive. However, the new strategic plans for after the heavy brigade follow-on forces arrive, what shape the new OPLAN 5027 will look like is anyone's guess. (See Stryker ICBT: Our Opinion for the pro-cons of the Stryker in combination with other USFK assets.)

    This latest report of a new strategy of attacking the North is interesting as this idea of heading north at the outbreak of hostilities was already the reported plan of the 2d ID -- though not published. The stationary units of the 2d ID along the DMZ would be sitting ducks if they remained under the guns of the North. Instead, the 2d ID armoured plans were to immediately head north. It was only common sense considering the North Korea artillery that had already figured out the exact location of their units -- and they would be the first units targeted. Supposedly unit level commanders were already briefed that they would head north at the outbreak of the hostilities -- but this was only scuttlebutt. Heading south was NOT an option as the corridors would be blocked -- and the best chance of survival would be simply to head north attacking the enemy head-on.

    In fact, Korean reporters consistently ask this same question of every visiting State Department and DoD official - Are there any plans for a "pre-emptive strike"? The response is always "No," but the Koreans refuse to believe this. In response to this furor on the Korean internet, Prime Minister Goh Kun said on 5 June that the U.S. has "no right" to unilaterally take military action against North Korea without South Korea's approval under the existing alliance between Seoul and Washington. "The (U.S.) commander of the Combined Forces Command (CFC) is supposed to exercise his right to control wartime forces under instructions from the supreme state and military leadership of the two countries," Goh said. Ironically, this is the exact same point that was brought up when President Roh stated he had no control of the ROK forces in time of war. The Ministry of Defense swiftly pointed out that the Commander of the CFC does take directions from the Presidents of both countries. Roh continued to push this point by playing to the press, but finally conceded in June in a face saving move that he would not see control ceded to Korea during his tenure in office.

    Part of these unsubstantiated rumors may also be attributed to the Bush administration getting the go-ahead to pursue research in a tactical nuclear weapon -- a nuclear "blockbuster" capable of penetrating and destroying underground facilities and tunnel networks. The administration persuaded Congress in May 2003 to lift a 10-year-old research ban on nuclear "bunker busters" that could knock out the buried North Korean armaments. The significance of such a weapon to attack the intricate tunnel networks along the DMZ (invasion tunnels and Koksan rail-mounted artillery hidden in mountains) and at the Yongbin nuclear facilities has not been lost on military observers.

    South Korea Starts a new Strategy of Harassment??? On 20 June, the USFK disputed the Korean government's charges for the use of water surrounding the main local river basin. According to the Ministry of Environment, the USFK is refusing to pay water use charges for the Han river basin, including Seoul, amounting to 1.205 billion won (US$ 1.01 million) accrued between October 1999 and August last year. According to a Korea Times article, "The total charge for 14.1 million tons of tap water used by the U.S. forces since August 1999 has risen to 1.57 billion won ($1.32 million), the ministry said. USFK maintains the position that they should pay the charge from September last year as they do for the other three main river basins, for which a management act took effect at that time. However, the management act of the Han river basin came into effect August 1999 and the ministry quotes a statement from the Korea-U.S. Joint committee agreement of 1975 to justify its argument. The statement says ``in the case discussion begins after the effect date of the changed charge. It follows the suggested date of the Korean official document,’’ according to the ministry. The two sides have had informal meetings to try to resolve their differences since last November through the Utility Subcommittee as outlined in the Status of Forces Agreement but they have yet to strike an accord."

    On 21 Jun, it was revealed the the USFK had tried to introduce CDMA handphones capable of scrambling transmissions in order to prevent eavesdropping, but met with refusal by the Korean government. According to sources in the communication industry and the Ministry of Information and Communication, the U.S. 8th Army asked for cooperation from SK Telecom in March to let them use 1,000 phones made by Qualcomm in the United States, model Qsec 800. Though the ministry was never asked to grant permission, it conveyed messages that it would deny the request. The handsets were developed by Qualcomm and the National Security Agency. The U.S. government is calling for the security officials in the U.S. military and other agencies to use the scrambled communication equipment that comply with NSA standards. It is also known that the U.S. 8th Army's decision was due to Washington's directions to strengthen its security against terrorist activities. Seoul had earlier insisted that it was impossible to eavesdrop on communications over CDMA phones. An expert in the communications industry said that because Qualcomm, which developed the core technology for CDMA, developed these scrambled phones, it is clear that CDMA phones can be eavesdropped upon. The USFK has equipped its soldiers with handheld phones, but the 1000 CDMA handphones will be for selected officers according to the Stars and Stripes. The USFK feels strongly about the potential for eavesdropping on military personnel using handphones.

    Whether the Korean refusal is based on trying to protect their handphone markets or for harassment is unknown, but it is most likely it is to protect its own CDMA version that is attempting to break into the market by exporting to low-end countries. (NOTE: On 23 Sep 2003 the Donga Ilbo stated that the government officially stated that CDMA cell phones could be wiretapped. Until then, the Ministry of Information and communication and the National Intelligence Service have said that it was practically impossible to bug cell phones. The Ministry of Information and Communication announced that it had verified that cell phone conversations can be listened to in a wiretapping test held at the ministry building at Sejongno, downtown Seoul, on September 18. Using a "cloned" cellphone, the incoming calls and text could be intercepted, but outgoing speech and text could not. On 7 Oct it was reported in the Korea Herald that some government agencies had special chips installed to prevent wiretapping, while at the same time denying that wiretapping was possible.)

    On 23 Jun, Seoul's Mayor said on a radio interview that a large portion of the Yongsan complex would be turned into a park as soon as the military left. This can be seen as a precursor to further protests at the Yongsan Garrison main gate to attempt to expedite the move. The Seoul City government has consistently been at odds with the Korean government and USFK over every improvement program at the Yongsan Garrison. The problem has always been that the Korean government never provided lands for the relocation of the Yongsan Garrison -- despite the 1990 MOU the ROK signed. However, the Seoul City government preferred to attack the USFK rather than confront the root cause for the relocation problem -- the ROK government.

    In July a news report in the Chosun Ilbo indicated that the Seoul government was considering plans to make a massive park out of the area -- even though the area will belong to the Ministry of Defense. Even before the USFK has vacated the area, there are all sorts of plans being proposed from turning it into an international school for foreigners children to turning into a business center. The response from the government now has changed in that the cost of relocation may be high and the government is thinking that it might sell the land to businesses to offset the cost of the relocation. This whole area of thought is up in the air at this time.

    In early July, the NGO Environmental Groups protested the increase in the military budget stating that such a move would limit the social changes needed in society. On 2 Jul, Deputy Prime Minister for Finance and Economy Kim Jin-pyo said discussions to increase the size of this year's supplementary budget have already begun. He stressed that any increase in the size of the 4.2 trillion won (US$3.52 billion) extra budget would be to revitalize the sluggish economy. He did not elaborate on the numbers though an additional 1 trillion won may be included. This meant that the increase in the military budget would be delayed till 2004.

    ROK still Jumpy over Reductions in Forces: On 26 Jun, Lt. Gen. Charles Campbell, commander of the U.S. Eighth Army, said during a seminar on the role of the U.S. military held at the War Memorial of Korea, downtown Seoul. "Both governments have agreed to relocate the bulk of the U.S. Yongsan Garrison and to reposition the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division. ...Some reduction in force will accompany these moves." The text of his speech was made available to the media before a seminar, however, it contained a reference to troop reductions that was omitted from the actual speech. As soon as the text was made public, Korean politicians pounced on it and stated that a reduction would encourage the North to attack the south. Quickly the USFK denied that there was going to be any reduction in forces in the near future. A USFK spokesman held a press briefing at the Defense Ministry and explained it was not the official position of the USFK.

    The current defense arrangements are NOT advantageous to the Koreans, but there is not much they can do about it. During a seminar on the post-Iraqi war international security order and the Korean Peninsula on 3 Jul Kim Hee-sang, president Roh Moo-hyun's top defense aide, criticized the USFK relocation of troops as having no possibility in helping the security of Korea, especially when the North Korean nuclear issue remains unsolved. The comments contradicted claims by the both ROK and U.S. governments that stated the changes would be made in a way that would increase the forces' ability to deter war. His comments that Bush administration was on a collision course with North Korea and that the nuclear issue did not warrant a pre-emptive attack or war were eliminated from his actual speech. (SITE NOTE: This followed the 2 Jul North Korean announcement that the U.S. troop relocation was a prelude to a preemptive strike.)

    Previously during another keynote speech at the same seminar, Maj. Gen. Timothy Donovan of USFK said, "When [situations on the Korean Peninsula] are uncertain, the U.S. will stick to the ROK-U.S. alliance and as long as most Koreans want the U.S. presence in Korea, we will stay here." However, he did not mention the relocation of USFK. (SITE NOTE: Notice that this is the stock message delivered since March by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld but the wording has changed slightly to "most Koreans.")

    The USFK is playing their cards very close to its chest at this time. The Stryker SBCT Brigade has not been tested and certified yet for Korea. The 3d Bde 2d ID SBCT is in its Intial Operational Testing and Evaluation (IOT&E) phase. The SBCT Brigade will be the basis for troop reductions within the 2d ID. It will be tested this summer in training exercises according to Donald Rumsfeld. Until the SBCT has proven itself, the USFK can NOT comment on reductions. Most feel that when the 2nd Division is relocated to south of the Han River, U.S. military forces here will be cut by 6,000-7,000 troops, or one brigade and some support units. However, we suspect that there can be immediate troop reductions regardless of the SBCT as the vacating of Yongsan Garrison will cause some support personnel to become redundant at Camp Humpherys and Osan AB. However, until the SBCT is proven, there can be NO statements on troop reductions at all. (See Stryker ICBT: Our Opinion for the pro-cons of the Stryker in combination with other USFK assets.)

    (SITE NOTE: We believe there is a grain of truth in the controversy of the Stryker being unsuitable for off-road conditions along the DMZ -- especially during the rainy season when it would potentially become mired in mud. We feel the reason that Rumsfeld switched his position from cutting the Stryker procurements in half in Oct 2002 to supporting the SBCT deployment to Korea as a replacement for the 2d ID in May 2003 is POLITICAL and REALISTIC. (See Stryker/LAV III for details.) Though the Stryker is proven in dry climates, many opponents claim that it is a disaster in a wet battle environment. Regardless of all its design faults, we believe the 3d Brigade 2d ID WILL be certified for Korea after it is deployed for "training" to Korea this summer -- regardless of the actual results. It would then be possible for it to assume immediate DEFENSIVE positions SOUTH of the Han. At that time, it will most likely be stationed at Pyongtaek's Camp Humpherys -- with elements possibly at Taegu's Camp Walker. The 6th Cav airborne elements of the 2d ID will remain intact along the DMZ, but the other tracked forces of the 2d ID will suddenly become redundant as they will be part of the "heavy brigade" earmarked as follow-on forces. Rumsfeld envisions these assets pre-positioned on transport ships off-shore. Once the SBCT is certified, troop reductions suddenly become a reality. The forces in the camps along the DMZ become redundant and can be sent home.)

    On 7 Jul the Christian Science Monitor wrote, "The US is known to want a diplomatic answer to the crisis with the North, and is pushing regional allies, especially China, to pressure Kim. Still, the timing and backdrop of this buildup, and its potential for being misread in the North, concerns some South Korean officials and US and Japanese analysts." It continued, "The breakdown of the $11 billion is not yet clear, and US military officials say it is too early to reveal where the weapons will go. The package includes 16 new Pac-3 Patriot antimissile systems, at least two squadrons of Longbow AH-64D Apache helicopters, refitted "smart" bombs, and several hundred new tanks and fighting vehicles for a "striker force" that would rotate in and out of Korea. Costs may also include landing strips and "Korean contingency" forces based elsewhere."

    ROK Defense Minister meets Rumsfeld (27 June)Troop reductions was one of the topics of discussion when the Korean Defense Minister, Cho Young-kil, met with Donald Rumsfeld on 27 June. Cho was to solidify the US-ROK relationship prior to the Sept alliance consultations. Cho provided details on the ROK's plans for beefing up its military and improving the ability of its forces. Discussions centered on the nuclear crisis and relocation of USFK forces.

    After the meeting one of the significant outcomes was that the Yongsan garrison may relocate as early as this year. We had previously commented that the underground Command, Control and Communications Center at Osan was nearing completion at the end of 2002 and we suspected that move would be possible for this year. The move may result in troop reductions of about 3,000 personnel. The Combined Command Headquarters will remain at Yongsan because it is a joint command. This statement appears to confirms this theory as the requested land under the LPP for a Command Post is no longer required -- but an increased land for a new runway to make it an air hub is essential.

    The two sides also agreed to start consolidating U.S. troop units stationed near the border with North Korea possibly within this year before repositioning them south of the Han River in Seoul. This indicates that the USFK is speeding up its timetable. We believe that the 3d Bde 2d ID Stryker Brigade Combat Team (SBCT) is the key. (See Stryker) If the SBCT is certified for Korea this summer, troop reductions may result much earlier than the Korean wishful thinking of 3-4 years to 2007. (See Stryker ICBT: Our Opinion for the pro-cons of the Stryker in combination with other USFK assets.)

    JULY 2003

    North Korea Starts Reprocessing Fuel Rods? A U.S. government source confirmed on 12 July that North Korea has begun reprocessing spent nuclear fuel rods at its Yongbyon facilities because the United States has detected krypton 85, a reprocessing byproduct, in air samples.

    However, Japan reacted with skepticism stating that North Korea has yet to cross a critical line in its nuclear weapons program. ''North Korea is playing a really dangerous game,'' Abe said in a speech in Sendai, Miyagi Prefecture. ''But we think that the country has yet to cross the line it is not supposed to cross. Korea was silent as to this report.

    ROK voicing Skepticism and Objections over Relocation: According to the Korea Times on 4 Jul Kim Hee-sang, Advisor to the President for National Defense, yesterday said, ``The relocation of U.S. Forces Korea and its implication do not seem to be beneficial to South Korean security. Whatever the case might be, changes in the U.S forces stationed here rarely make a positive message here with the nuclear crisis still lingering," he said, signaling clear opposition to the U.S. initiative. The comments in the printed text of his speech made at a seminar -- but were deleted from his speech as the words indicated a shift in the government’s policy on the relocation issue. Kim admitted that the speech could invite misunderstanding and reworded his comments. This comes after Lt. Gen. Campbell, 8th Army Commander, commited the same action on 26 Jun by stating future "reductions" in his media prepared text -- but eliminating the comment from his speech. (SITE NOTE: Though the media commented that there are "subtle differences over the timing and scale of the relocation," we feel that that they are major differences which put simply are that the U.S. wants to speed up the timetable as much as practicable, while the ROK seeks to delay it as long as possible. This is the reason the U.S. is playing their cards as close to their chest as possible -- revealing on hints that they are actually TELLING the ROK of its intentions just prior to their moves -- and calling it "close consultations." (``We have limited resources and measures to influence U.S. policies,’’ Kim Hee-sang said.))

    On 5 Jul a 28-member group of ruling and opposition lawmakers submitted a resolution to the National Assembly objecting to an early relocation of U.S. troop. "It is not desirable to seek the move of the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division North of the Han River in Seoul at a time the North Korean nuclear issue still persists," the resolution, initiated by Jeong Jang-seon, a lawmaker of the ruling Millenium Democratic Party (MDP), said.

    The main reasons for the objections to the relocation surfaced as being financial. Koreans started to face the reality of the situation that without the U.S. defense contributions, costs for defense would increase dramatically -- with resultant cuts in social programs. NGO groups started to voice their concerns over the potential social program budget cuts for the sake of defense -- protesting the defense cost increases. The government promised that the 2003 supplementary budget request was for improving the economy -- not defense -- to allay their fears. However, massive defense expenditures in the future made the lawmakers very jumpy.

    Since the Kim Dae-jung administration, the defense budget was cut annually until it readched 2.7 percent of GDP. When confronted by the U.S. about their contributions, the Roh administration promised to increase it to 3.2 percent of GDP. But Roh continued to press with his self-reliant military stance without any sense of reality. Experts state that without the U.S. contributions to defense, the amount could rise to 5-6 percent of GDP. It would cost the ROK about $20 billion annually. An article in the Chosun Ilbo on 9 Jul stated:


    Costs of Self-Reliant Defense Counted

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    If the U.S. Forces Korea withdraws its troops from the peninsula or the military alliance with the United States crumbles, Seoul would have to double its defense spending, up to 5-6 percent of gross domestic product, a local military expert said Tuesday. Also, the defense minister gave a bleak report on the supplies and resources the military needs for training and preparedness.

    Park Ju-hyun, head of the defense economics office at the Korea Institute for Defense Analysis, said at a seminar that the USFK effectively reduces the government's defense costs by 2-3 percent of GDP, and that it would cost about $20 billion to replace the assets of the USFK. Park was delivering a speech titled "Early Start on Self-Reliant Defense Posture and Spending" at the Chosun Hotel in Seoul.

    At the same seminar, Moon Jeong-in, a professor at Yonsei University, said that although the current government's peace and prosperity policy for dealing with North Korea stresses self-reliance, initiative, proactiveness, optimism and flexibility in devising a national security strategy, it is too optimistic and linear. "The policy should also take into account the worst-case scenario - that is, if the nuclear crisis remains unresolved," Moon said.

    In related news, Defense Minister Cho Yung-kil released a booklet called "Korea's Defense Spending 2003 - Preparing for the Future." The report said that due to insufficient defense spending, Korea's fighting capabilities have been decreasing. He cited ammunition and fuel shortages for training and war strategizing.

    According to the booklet, the ammunition supply rates for training, compared with the standard amount needed, have dropped from 96 percent in 1997 to 86 percent this year. In 1997 every soldier was required to fire at least 240 rounds in training per year; but this year the same figure is 198. Per artillery battalion, the annual rounds to be fired are down from 225 to 154. Ammunition storage capacity for wartime is only 60 percent of what is needed, and the number of annual flight hours for fighter pilots has been reduced from 153 to 140.

    Korea Worry: U.S. Shift to Regime Change Policy According to a article on 12 Jul, there is a change in U.S. sentiment as more in U.S. are starting to call for a regime change -- instead of maintaining the status quo. In the Korean mindset, a regime change policy equates to a preemptive strike aimed at Kim Jong-Il -- the same way they did with Saddam Hussein.

    According to the article, "The emphasis of Washington's North Korean policy appears to be shifting gradually toward regime change, as more officials conclude that anything short of that will fail to conclusively solve the nuclear crisis. At the same time, American policymakers are striving to ensure that the North's nuclear ambitions and human rights abuses are high-profile issues."

    The article stated, "The question of whether to strive for regime change, an option that is gaining favor among conservatives in the United States, will have to be faced by Seoul as the friction between Washington and Pyongyang over the nuclear issue heats up. For its part, North Korea is approaching a crossroad where it will have to choose whether to try a China-style reform and abandon its nuclear program or continue its policies, braving war with the United States. The situation on the peninsula is becoming one in which there will be no more space for shallow optimism or patchwork hopes."

    The Koreans are acknowledging the sudden upsurge in seeking "experts" and "refugees with credible information." There is a movement to bring in more anti-Kim Jong-Il speakers to testify before Congress. Seminars are being sponsored in Washington to highlight the "concentration camps" and "famine" in the North. In addition, the U.S. is pushing to increase the number of hours that Radio Free Asia is broadcast; now it is only four hours a day.

    There is a sudden upsurge in concern by U.S. politicians and various other organizations about the defector issue have suddenly increased this year. According to the article, "An active discussion is taking place, following the Senate's passage of a bill to receive defectors as refugees; the same bill is now triggering discussion in Congress. America's religious and human rights organizations are busy forming a North Korean freedom alliance group, which should be operational by the end of this month. They are even planning a "safe harbor" campaign, designed to encourage high-ranking officials and scientists from the North to defect."

    (SITE NOTE: The problem is that defectors from North Korea automatically gain South Korean citizenship and therefore, do NOT qualify under "refugee status" in the U.S. However, at the same time, the South turns a blind eye to the tens of thousands of North Koreans in northern China who fled from starvation -- and allows the Chinese to return them to the North. This kind of double-standard in conditions created by South Korea will raise much debate in Congress over some who wish to make special provisions for these "refugees." The U.S. did sponsored defection of high-level North Koreans -- which the South claimed were really not important -- and literally slapped the South in the face by using a third-country as the means to enter the U.S. A North Korean defector -- smuggled into the U.S. through Japan -- testified before Congress in June that North Koreans with intelligence value have been threatened by the NIS and police to not discuss information with the U.S. interrogators.)

    Oplan 5030 In late May 2003, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld directed military commanders to develop a new approach for conflict with North Korea, Operations Plan 5030. There have been rumors on the Korean internet of a "new plan" allowing the U.S. to act unilaterally against the North -- without the South's concurrence. This is the infamous "Oplan 5030." (See Global Security Org: Oplan 5030 for details. Global Security also covers the other Oplans.)

    SITE NOTE: Oplan 5026 deals with surgical air strikes -- though not with the intention of an act leading to all-out war. Oplan 5027 is the US-ROK Combined Forces Command basic warplan. According to Oplan 5028 may or may not be real...or even a typo for Oplan 5027. Oplan 5029 is the US-ROK Combined Forces Command to prepare for the collapse of North Korea. The plan is reported to feature preparations by the South Korean and US forces to manage an inflow of North Korean refugees and other unusual situations if the North Korean regime collapses. So what is the Oplan 5030???
    On 14 Jul there were news reports that the U.S. Defense Department has ordered military planners to draw up a secret new war plan aimed at inducing the collapse of the North Korean regime, a U.S. weekly magazine reported in its latest edition. "Elements of the draft, known as Operations Plan 5030, are so aggressive that they could provoke a war," the U.S. News & World Report quoted senior George W. Bush administration officials as saying. Only time will tell if this emerges as truth or fiction.

    The fact of the existence of Oplan 5030 as well as details of this plan were first revealed in the 21 July 2003 edition of US News and World Report, Nation & World, in an article by Bruce B. Auster and Kevin Whitelaw. The article stated that the Pentagon was coming up with a "new blueprint for facing down North Korea." The article reported, "Within the past two months, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld has ordered U.S. military commanders to devise a new war plan..//.. so aggressive that they could provoke a war..//.. Adm. Thomas Fargo, ..//..and senior Pentagon planners are developing the highly classified plan. The administration insiders, who are critical of the plan, say it blurs the line between war and peace. The plan would give commanders in the region authority to conduct maneuvers--before a war has started--to drain North Korea's limited resources, strain its military, and perhaps sow enough confusion that North Korean generals might turn against the country's leader, Kim Jong Il. "Some of the things [Fargo] is being asked to do," says a senior U.S. official, "are, shall we say, provocative." ..//..Some officials believe the draft plan amounts to a strategy to topple Kim's regime by destabilizing its military forces. The reason: It is being pushed by many of the same administration hard-liners who advocated regime change in Iraq. ..//..But if the Pentagon gives commanders more authority to take aggressive actions in peacetime, as contemplated in Plan 5030, it risks tripping over the president's--and Congress's--authority to commit the nation to war, says a senior official. "Who decides when to go to war?" the official asks. "Good question."

    The significant difference between Oplan 5027 and Oplan 5030 is that Oplan 5027 is the basic war plan to the conduct of the war AFTER hostilities are initiated -- and preparations to counter the anticipated moves of the North. The Oplan 5030 proposes the use of "pre-conflict manuevers" to use up the North's critical resources of food, oil, and spare parts. For example, the use of surprise manuevers on the DMZ that would scramble the North's forces from their defensive positions to react and therefore give away their strategy of defense. But the key question remains whether these exercises step over the line and may provoke a war. The Oplan may give local commanders powers to initiate actions in the form of exercises that may lead to war. As such, it may encroach on the President's sole authority (with Congressional consent) to wage war.

    To outsiders, Oplan 5030 seems almost like a mirror image of what the North has been doing for decades with the South. However, from the screams of anger from the North and the pro-North NGO factions, it would seem that this plan was something created by war-mongers hell bent on starting a new Korean War. What was particularly bothersome was the reports that the initial draft of 5030 included a variety of operations not included in traditional operational war plans, such as disrupting financial networks and strategic disinformation activities.

    The premise behind Oplan 5030 is the the North is in no position to attack because its weaponry and resources are limited. If it did attack, it would ensure its destruction as a nation. Kim Jong-il is intent on remaining in power and preserving his regime and as such he would never go to war. Rather simplistic, but that is the view of the North Korean situation by the Bush Administration.

    Of course, the hope of such a plan was that it would place so much stress on the North's military that it might provoke a military coup against the country's leader, Kim Jong Il. This is wishful thinking at best. The brain-washed and starving populace has never shown any propensity to do so.

    An article in the Democratic Underground stated, "This asinine notion that the army of North Korea will rebel against Kim Jong Il is even more far-fetched than the Iraqi army overthrowing Saddam. Rightly or wrongly, the people in North Korea don't think that the United States is the great Savior, they blame the U.S. for making them starve, as did the Iraqi people in the early years of sanctions. The difference is that there are whole generations of people in North Korea being taught who the great evil is and it isn't South Korea."

    There are some who suspect the Oplan 5030 is nothing more that a house of smokey mirrors to cause disinformation through speculation. The North's paranoid leadership might react to the various "offensive information operations" giving away key intelligence information about the North. Not much has been released about this murky Oplan 5030 since its initial report in July 2003 -- though the Korean news groups was filled with speculation for months following the news release.

    North Korea: U.S. Pre-emptive strike and Artllery Relocation: The claims by the North that the USFK is preparing for a pre-emptive strike is not new. However, its repositioning of its long-range artillery under the guise of this perceived threat is new.

    According to the NAPSNET, "DPRK accused the U.S. of preparing for a pre-emptive attack against the DPRK by repositioning its military resources in the ROK and the region. The DPRK's news media said the US demands for multilateral talks to resolve the stand-off over the DPRK's nuclear weapons programme were a disguise for its military ambitions. "Finding it hard to settle the nuclear issue as Washington intends and implement its policy to stifle the DPRK, the US seeks to attain its criminal aim... at any cost by mounting a preemptive attack on it," said Minju Joson, the DPRK's official government daily, on Saturday. The official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) said the planned repositioning of US troops stationed in the ROK was aimed at occupying "positions favorable for mounting a preemptive attack on the North."

    In reaction, the North deployed more missiles and artlillery closer to the DMZ. According to an Associatied Press and Reuters reports on 19 Jul, the DPRK has moved heavy artillery closer to the tense border with the ROK. North Korea "has increased the threat on South Korea's capital by moving forward 170mm and 240mm long-range artillery," the ROK Defense Ministry said in a policy report Friday. It did not say when the redeployment occurred, nor how many guns were shifted. The ROK military did not alter its alert posture in response to the report on the DPRK artillery and missiles, indicating that a major escalation of tension was not imminent.

    (SITE NOTE: The DPRK moving their long-range artillery forward is NOT to threaten Seoul, but would be a direct move to attempt to bring the USFK forces under threat as they pull back from the DMZ. However, this must also be throwing a monkey-wrench into the DPRK strategies to countering the USFK forces if the USFK switches to the Stryker ICBT which is mobile -- not a stationary target for the DPRK artillery. Once the forces are removed from the DMZ area, the USFK force facing them would all be mobile from the Paladin artillery to Apache Longbows. It has not been announced, but it is appearing that Rumsfeld's strategy is to pull the MA1A main battle tanks out of Korea and put them into the follow-on "heavy brigade" package -- supposedly to be positioned "off-shore" on transports.)

    Reality Starting to Set In The third round of the Future of the ROK-US Alliance was held on the 23-24 Jul. The withdrawal from the DMZ will start next year. It was announced that the US will pull out of the JSA in 2004. The withdrawal from Yongsan will be complete by 2006. A Korea Herald article on 26 Jul stated:

    Lawmakers urge enhanced security as U.S. scales down

    The political circle has voiced deep concern over possible radical changes in national security following Thursday's agreement between the two governments to reduce the U.S. military's obligation in South Korea.

    Members of the National Assembly's Defense Committee called on the government yesterday to work out alternative measures that can minimize any backlash from Seoul "prematurely" taking a bigger role in its frontline defense as a result of the third Future of the ROK-U.S. Alliance Policy Initiative meeting in Hawaii.

    Rep. Chang Young-dal of the ruling Millennium Democratic Party said, "We cannot afford to shoulder the defense burden if the changes come too suddenly," claiming the Seoul government made a compromise it is not capable of living up to. MDP Rep. Park Yang-soo also said, "It is premature for the Korean government to accept the agreement in consideration of the North Korean nuclear issue.

    "It is in our best interest to renegotiate the terms with the United States," he said.

    According to the agreement, South Korea will take over the responsibility from the U.S. forces-U.N. Command for guarding the Joint Security Area in the truce village of Panmunjeom from the end of 2004.

    Also confirmed during the high-level military meeting is the plan to pull the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division near the frontline below Seoul beginning next year. Yongsan Garrison, the headquarters of the U.S. Army in Korea, will be pulled out of Seoul by 2006.

    Military strategists argue that these southward relocation initiatives of the U.S. forces could translate into a bigger burden for Seoul in terms of its defense budget and intelligence efforts.

    In particular, the U.S. military presence near the border, including the JSA, is considered to have a tripwire effect, obliging the United States to become involved in the event of any North Korean aggression.

    Lawmakers of the major opposition Grand National Party shared fears of a possible "security vacuum."

    GNP Rep. Park Se-hwan said, "The accord fails to reflect our government's position, only the U.S.' demands."



    GNP spokesman Park Jin, reading from a statement, said, "It is desirable that the plan to realign U.S. forces in Korea should be conducted in a discreet way to reflect its implications on regional security and economic issues."

    (khjack@heraldm.com)
    By Choe Yong-shik
    Yongsan Relocation Price Tag Challenged: A New Strategy Emerging??? The following article from the Chosun Ilbo on 31 Jul shows that the ROK is waffling again on the movement from Yongsan. When the movement was first brought up at the beginning of this year as a reality that the ROK could not stop, the ROK attempted to say that the costs would be around $250 million -- which was ridiculous -- and try to foist all the costs onto the U.S. The NGO activist groups have been making this accusation for years. If one reads the wording of this article carefully you can see the new strategy emerging.

    The USFK has never waivered on the costs being around $9.5 billion -- dating back to when it first surfaced the relocation issue in 1990. The original MOU in 1990 stated the USFK would move out of Yongsan by 1996 on condition that the Korean government offer alternative land and shoulder relocation costs of $9.5 billion. (See How It Was: 1990: Relocation of Yongsan for details of original relocation plan under then Sec of Defense Dick Cheney. -- See 2001: Relocation of Yongsan for details on LPP/Yongsan.)

    The ROK wishfully thinks the relocation costs can be in the $3.2 billion range -- and wants to renegotiate the costs. However, the USFK has remained firm with its $9.5 billion estimate. Defense Minister Cho Young-kil said on 30 Jul that the planned reconfiguration of U.S. troops in South Korea will cost Seoul up to US$5 billion, dismissing worries that the expenses will amount to $15 billion. GNP lawmakers earlier claimed the repositioning of the Yongsan Garrison and 2nd Infantry Division would cost $5 billion and $10 billion, respectively. South Korea's defense budget for this year is 17.4 trillion won ($14.7 billion).

    Relocation Pricetag Claim Challenged

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    Defense Minister Cho Yung-gil said Wednesday that the relocation of U.S. troops here would cost Seoul $3-5 billion, rebutting a claim by an opposition lawmaker that it would cost $15 billion. The repositioning involves the transfer of the Yongsan Garrison from central Seoul and the 2nd Infantry Division to south of the Han River.

    Cho, responding to the figure produced by the Grand National Party lawmaker Park Se-hwan, said, "The total costs will be estimated at the end of this year after a master plan and inspection of land costs have been made. However, $15 billion is an overestimate."

    The land returned from the 2nd Division amounts to 12 million pyeong and the government will provide the U.S. troops with five million pyeong, Cho said. "Since we are planning to buy the new land after selling the returned land, we don't think there will be any additional costs." This was the first time an official statement was made on the costs of the base transfer or the scale of the new base.

    "We requested [to the USFK] that the rearrangement be discussed after we resolve the problem with North Korea's nuclear development, but we cannot set the direction alone," Cho said. "It is difficult to deal with the transfer problem of the 2nd division in such times, but it is a reality; so we are making efforts to work towards a meeting of national interests."

    When the 2nd division moves to Pyeongtaek or Osan, Seoul may construct a local railroad line that connects the new base and with the Yeongpyeong training grounds in Pocheon, Cho said. "This will prevent accidents when U.S. forces move to the northern training area.

    "We will sign a new comprehensive agreement in the form of an umbrella agreement and present it at the regular session of the National Assembly in October to receive the Assembly's consent," Cho said. "We will improve several unfavorable articles of the agreement signed with the U.S. in 1990."
    We believe the ROK is shifting to a new strategy that involves the classic Korean "stall-and-conquer" technique. One of the oldest Korean business strategies is the "stall-and conquer" approach: Promise everything in order to gain concessions; stall on implementing the promises while exploiting the concessions made; and then when the time is right and the opposition is worn down (or at a disadvantage), renege on the promises and take over your opponent's company. If the opposition is not bending and conditions are not to your advantage, renege on the promises and restart the negotiation process -- making sure you retain the previous concessions. (NOTE: Compare this strategy to the current North Korean negotiation strategy.) Up till now the MND has been using the "stall, deny and deflect" strategy which has been totally ineffective as the U.S. is dictating the moves over the MND denials that a relocation was even being discussed.)

    (SITE NOTE: This strategy of stall-and-conquer is well-documented in Korean business dealings in invading the U.S. markets starting in the 1980s. This strategy can be easily off-set by simply removing the troops to Pyongtaek -- regardless of the land requirement. If there is no room for these troops and their equipment because of the failure of the ROK promise -- IN WRITING TO THE U.S. CONGRESS IN 2003 -- to purchase the additional land, start the withdrawal of equipment and personnel AFTER announcing to the world that the ROK could not fulfill its promise because of its internal problems. The Pentagon told Seoul that it needed Seoul's guarantee to provide the alternate sites for U.S. bases in order to get Congressional approval to spend money that has been allocated for facilities here. The budget for USFK facilities for 2003 to 2005 amounts to about $1 billion. It is important to note that according to an official, "Seoul promised its support in purchasing those sites, but no timetable for the move was given."

    If the ROK stalls on land procurement, the ROK should be made out as the bad guy in the eyes of the world. The stakes are NOT military, but economic. Without security for their investments provided by the U.S. high-tech weaponry and intelligence, direct foreign investment (FDI) in Korea by foreign investors will drop to "0." Korea knows this. This is a high-stakes game of hard ball that the U.S. should exploit.)
    First, the ROK is attempting to tie the relocation to the resolution of the nuclear issue with the North -- whenever in the future that might be. Defense Minister Cho Yung-gil stated on on 30 Jul that, "We requested [to the USFK] that the rearrangement be discussed after we resolve the problem with North Korea's nuclear development, but we cannot set the direction alone." This is unacceptable.

    Second, the ROK is attempting to tie the procurement of the new land in Pyongtaek to the sale of the land at Yongsan FIRST. Cho said. "Since we are planning to buy the new land after selling the returned land, we don't think there will be any additional costs." This problem surfaced in mid-July as Seoul City administration started making plans to convert the Yongsan land into a massive city park. When the land reverts back to the ROK it would be controlled by the Ministry of Defense -- not the Seoul City administration. Immediately the ROK government announced that the bill for relocation was too high. Thus if the ROK government can tie the sale to the purchase of the new land, it will slow the relocation down indefinitely. (SEE South Korea Starts a new Strategy of Harassment??? in June 2003. The USFK requested a 13.2-square-kilometer (3,267-acre) site in Pyeongtaek, near the present Camp Humphreys as the new home for the 2d Infantry Division and the the U.S. 8th Army. Another 3.3 square kilometers (817 acres) of land near Osan Air Base was the prospective site for the USFK headquarters.)

    Third, the ROK is attempting to wiggle out of its 1990 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) and other agreements tied to this document. In other words, we believe the ROK government is setting the stage to renege on their promises -- and attempt to renegotiate everything. Cho said. "We will improve several unfavorable articles of the agreement signed with the U.S. in 1990." According to a Joongang Ilbo report on 31 Jul, at defense consultations in Hawaii, South Korea also asked for some changes to two agreements signed in 1990. "The agreements did not include clauses about the environment," the defense source said, and added that Seoul also wanted changes to "unfavorable" clauses. Two of them made it responsible for losses to businesses operating inside the base triggered by the move and for certain expenses of families who would be relocated south of Seoul.

    (SITE NOTE: We have stated that the SOFA does not address the environmental issue and it was only addressed by a special article of understanding under the SOFA. When the Land Partnership Plan (LPP) was announced, we felt that the LPP was the greatest thing since Swiss Cheese as the camps. All the sites along the DMZ were to be returned AS IS. However, in 2003 the USFK in attempting to smooth the process of relocation off the DMZ agreed to ensuring the bases were environmentally safe before being returned. It was NOT mandated under the SOFA. When the USFK made this 2003 environmental agreement, we felt that it was a big mistake. True enough, the ROK is now going to try to exploit it. NGO activist groups have made continuous claims that the USFK has polluted Yongsan and spilled fuels/toxic wastes that have gone unreported. Our feelings are that Yongsan was used from the Japanese military days -- and the damage may be as extensive as some of our Superfund nightmare bases in the states attest to. Also because the surrounding areas have also contributed to pollution, it may be difficult to sort out who did what. If the USFK falls for this trap, they will end up paying for damage claims in the surrounding areas as well. THIS ENVIRONMENTAL AGREEMENT IS SOMETHING THE USFK SHOULD APPROACH VERY CAREFULLY!!!

    We consider the other claims of "unfavorable clauses" as simple harassment. The on-base businesses who may suffer losses are under contract from AAFES or have bid for the contract. If the base moves before their contract lapses, there are avenues for compensation that the ROK need not get involved in. As to the relocation of the families, the ROK is seeking to wiggle out of the costs. Unlike Japan or Europe where 76 percent of the married troops are command-sponsored, only 10 percent are command sponsored in Korea. There is a lot of bitterness over this issue -- and for the ROK to even attempt to inject it into the negotiations will be a foolhardy move that may backfire.)
    The ROK is going to go public to attempt to turn up the heat on the U.S. in the negotiations. This is an old technique dating from the late 1980s after Chun Doo Hwan stepped down when the government attempts to bring public pressure to bear on the U.S. during negotiations. In Korea, the first step is to always bring such matters to the National Assembly where the politicians will pick up the ball and incite their constituents. This tactic is to free the administration of "taint" of face-to-face confrontations with the U.S. -- and have protests from the public apply pressure to U.S. negotiators. However, this may backfire if the public protests turn into anti-American protests. President Bush has reiterated the claim that the U.S. will remain in Korea "as long as the Korean people want us."

    In the past, the U.S. has bowed to public sentiment on the Yongsan issue and played right into the hands of the ROK government. For example, under a 1990 MOU, the United States agreed to return the Yongsan base by 1996 on the condition that the Korean government offer alternative land and shoulder relocation costs, which was estimated by USFK to reach $9.5 billion. Negotiations were suspended in June 1993 as both sides concluded that they could not meet the schedule largely because of budget problems. From 1990-1993, the ROK government played the relocation of the Yongsan garrison in the people's court and press. According to all the press reports of that time, NO city government wanted the Yongsan garrison moved to their town -- including Pyongtaek's Mayor and the newly-formed City Council. Thus in exasperation, the USFK set asside the 1989 MOU and returned to the status quo in 1993. We feel that the ROK government is about to start the same campaign -- a strategy that worked in the past, but may not work now. The difference is that the U.S. is playing hardball

    USFK Will Keep 20 percent of Yongsan: According to Yonhap News, Gen. Leon LaPorte, commander of U.S. Forces Korea (USFK), said on 1 Aug that 1,000 of the total 7,000 American soldiers stationed in Seoul will remain in the capital as part of the United Nations Command and the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command, with the remainder being relocated south of the Han River. The USFK relocation is intended to address citizens' inconveniences, the commander said, noting there were no problems stationing 7,000 troops in the nation's capital 20 years ago, but now it has become unnecessary to maintain the forces at that level.

    The following article from Joongang Ilbo on 31 Jul is all old news -- the UNC/Combined Forces Command had previously announced that it would remain in Seoul. It also contains some of the confusing numbers for costs that are being tossed around mixing the Land Partnership Plan (LPP) with the Yongsan Relocation. (SEE How It Was: 2001: Land Partnership Plan for details.)

    What is interesting is that the article contains a footnote that the Ministry of Defense is planning to move to Yongsan as well after the USFK moves out. The Seoul City government has already announced its plans -- and this may put it on a collision course with the MND. The Yongsan base will be in the control on the MND when it is turned over by the USFK.


    Military will keep 20% of Yongsan

    More than 80 percent of the 837 acres of land currently occupied by the U.S. military at Yongsan Garrison in Seoul will be returned to South Korea, a senior Korean defense ministry official said here yesterday, asking that his name not be used.

    The headquarters of the United Nations Command and the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command will remain in Seoul, he said, using 163 acres of the compound that will not revert to civilian use.

    The official said that at recent defense consultations in Hawaii, American and Korean officials also agreed to revise two agreements concerning a relocation of U.S. military forces dating from 1990 that had clauses Seoul considered unfavorable.

    The compound consists of three areas: the main post, an area called South Post separated by a city street from the main facility, and a 12-acre transportation compound to the east of the two other facilities. A part of South Post will be integrated with the adjacent Ministry of National Defense, the official said, and the remaining commands will be moved there over time.

    The move of most of the military units now housed at the garrison is scheduled to be completed before the end of 2006.

    At the defense policy talks in Honolulu, South Korea also asked for some changes to two agreements signed in 1990. “The agreements did not include clauses about the environment,” the defense source said, and added that Seoul also wanted changes to “unfavorable” clauses. Two of them made it responsible for losses to businesses operating inside the base triggered by the move and for certain expenses of families who would be relocated south of Seoul.

    Separately, the General Accounting Office, the U.S. Congress’s investigation and audit arm, said in a report that Seoul is expected to pay $1.96 billion of the $2.26 billion required to consolidate 41 U.S. military bases throughout the peninsula to 23.

    The consolidation plan, called the Land Partnership Plan, is to be completed by 2011.

    That plan, however, does not include the relocation of the Yongsan Garrison or the realignment of the U.S. 2d Infantry Division, 15,000 strong, now deployed north of Seoul.

    The report by the congressional agency estimated that an additional $5.6 billion would be necessary for the moves of the garrison and the infantry division to their new locations south of Seoul.

    by Lee Chul-hee, Choi Won-ki (myoja@joongang.co.kr)
    Following this report, the Korea Times on 3 Aug reported that the Seoul Metropolitan Government wass planning to start construction of a park on the site of the U.S. garrison in Yongsan in 2006. Mayor Lee Myung-bak previously stated his wish to designate the prime piece of real estate now occupied by Yongsan Garrison as park sometime next year, as soon as Seoul and Washington finalize the relocation. The two sides are scheduled to complete the relocation blueprint by the end of this year. ``The designation will help block attempts to use the area for other purposes,’’ city officials quoted Lee as saying. ``The envisioned park will be part of a green belt linking the Han River to Mt. Nam, providing Seoulites with much-needed wooded areas for recreation and respite.’’ Unfortunately, there remains the problem that the land does NOT belong to the Seoul Metropolitan Government until the Ministry of National Defense cedes it to them. With talks of selling the land to repay the relocation costs of the Yongsan Garrison, there may be some fireworks stacking up.

    AUGUST 2003

    On Jul 25th a small group of about 30 students from the radical Hanchongnyeon organization broke into the Corps of Engineers compound outside Yongsan and burned an American flag and demanded the USFK leave Korea. (See Protests: July 2003 for details.) On 7 Aug student activists from Hanchongneyon about 30 student activists staged a demonstration in front of outside the U.S. Corps of Engineers (near Yongsan), demanding the United States sign a nonaggression treaty with North Korea. The students chanted anti-U.S. slogans and hurled bottles filled with red paint. (See Protests: August 2003 for details on other August anti-USFK protests.)

    Then on 1 Aug at Yongsan, the demonstration was by a group of 200 blue t-shirted college students. There were the normal speeches and a skit performed atop an American flag to symbolize how the U.S. was at the root of the unification efforts. A small scuffle with the police ensued when the students prepared to burn the flag. (SEE Video of protest at Voice of the People.) This appeared to be a warmup exercise for the August 15th nationwide rallies. The Unification Movement is again blaming the U.S. for keeping the Koreas separated.

    Then on 4 Aug a group of 140 college students clashed with police after trying to break into a U.S. Forces Korea firing range near the DMZ. The student activists held a rally in front of the Rodriguez live firing range in Pocheon, Gyeonggi Province, and called on the U.S. military authorities to stop a training exercise being conducted by a platoon size element from the 3d Bde 2d ID Stryker Interim Brigade Combat Team. The unit was in Korea for "familiarization training" and would return to Fort Lewis, WA on the 8 Aug after the exercise. This was Stryker's first overseas training exercise since certified in May.



    Students at Rodriquez Range (7 Aug 03)

    See Tongil News and Voice of the People (Click on video link) for video of break-in to the Rodriguez Live Fire Range. Shots of burning of U.S. flag as is popular with students. One small group did enter the range and were chased down as they ran around with their banner. The Army showed great restraint in ejecting the students and cameraman from the range by simply tossing them out. The students tried to climb the fence again.

    The students are sending some mixed messages -- as the Stryker is intended to replace the 2d ID "heavy" elements on the DMZ, "Stryker Go Home" means they want to keep the 2d ID on the DMZ, but at the same time saying the 2d ID should go home -- as they proclaimed on their banner, "US Troops Out of Corea."

    Pyongtaek Civic Group Against Relocation An article in the Chosun Ilbo on 19 Aug had a civic group protesting the relocation of the USFK to Pyongtaek. This seemed strangely familiar with what happened in 1993 when Pyongtaek said it didn't want the relocation of the Yongsan Garrison. The only difference is that now the U.S. may simply reduce the numbers of its personnel if the ROK government does not fulfill its promise to procure land. The newspaper stated:

    Pyeongtaek Opposes Relocation Plan

    by Lee Tae-hun (libra@chosun.com)

    A civic group in southern Gyeonggi province that was formed to discuss the possible relocation of U.S. troops to the region will not accept the move of the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division there.

    The Pyongtaek Citizens Committee on the Relocation of U.S Army Bases, headed by Pyeongtaek Mayor Kim Sun-ki and the city council chairman Lee Ik-jae, said Tuesday that considering national security and the situations of the region around the city, it would not accept the relocation of the 2nd Infantry Division to the region. The U.S. Forces Korea asked the South Korean government last month to complete the construction of new facilities in Osan and Pyeongtaek for the relocating troops by 2008.

    The committee said that it "basically opposed" the relocation to its area. But it added that if the relocation was inevitable, it should be considered from the view of the region’s development within the Seoul-Washington Land Partnership Planning agreement.

    If the relocation of the 2nd Infantry Division was still pursued, the committee said, it would refuse all other in-movements of U.S. military units and facilities, including the headquarters of the 8th Army.
    The comments of not accepting the 2d ID relocation can backfire very easily when one remembers the statement of Donald Rumsfeld about, "we will remain as long as we are wanted." The Pyongtaek Mayor's comments were certainly not welcoming and this would play right into the troop reduction issue. Rumsfeld to visit Korea in October Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld was to visit Seoul in October for talks on North Korea's nuclear weapons program and the planned redeployment of American troops in South Korea. At first, it was announced that Rumsfeld would take part in the Security Consultative Meeting, annual high-level security talks between the two nations which were scheduled for late September in Seoul, but later his time-table was moved to October.

    Korea Ranks 66 in Defense Spending On 16 Aug President Roh called for "self-reliance" in defense within a decade. However, it is dubious that this will come about simply because the amounts of spending would be crippling. The South would need to spend an additional W209 trillion ($177B) on defense over the next 20 years.

    Korean editorials immediately hailed the idea, but quickly cautioned about the expenditures at the expense of social programs. The opinions expressed was that the government should "slow down" the U.S. withdrawals and gradually increase the spending -- relying on the U.S. to maintain its defense at current levels. This will be a problem as the U.S. seeks to relocate and reduce its forces in Korea.

    But an interesting side note is that Korea has been scrimping on its defense expenditures over the past 20 years and allowing the U.S. to foot the bill for its defense. It has systematically DECREASED its defense budget as a percentage of the GDP from 6% in 1980 to 2.7% in 2003. The following statistics come from Korean Ministry of National Defense: Korea's Defense Spending Statistics They provide an interesting comparison to highlight the hype that the Korean government is putting out of how it is increasing its defense spending. The Korean government has stated it was increasing its defense spending to 3.5% of GDP -- but this is not impressive when one considers that the cost for "high defense posture nations" is 6.3% of GDP.

    • Korea's defense spending for 2001 was 2.7% of GDP while the world average was 3.5%. That puts Korea at 66 on the list, which means that the defense spending burden of 65 other countries was higher than Korea's, even though Korea's economy is the 13th largest in the world. In terms of per capita defense spending, Korea was 30 on the list.

    • The average defense spending for countries with high defense postures; such as Korea, Israel, Taiwan, and Pakistan, was 6.3% of GDP, which means that Korean's 2.7% was less than half the average.
    The graph on the page shows that the percentage of GDP was 6% in 1980; 5.3% in 1985; 4.4% in 1990; 3.3% in 1995; 3.1% in 1998-1999; 2.8% in 2000-2002; and 2.7% in 2003.

    Given these stats, the South Korean governments national defense budgets have been slashed significantly starting from the time of Chun Doo-Hwan coup in 1980 when it stood at 6% of GDP. It is apparent that the nation's monies were -- and still are -- funneled into the industries of the nation in order to support its industrial growth.

    An editorial in the conservative Chosun Ilbo on 3 Sep 2003stated:

    The Costs of Self-Reliance

    The government has singled out the military for as much as an 8 percent budget increase next year, this while freezing or reducing other areas. Next year's defense budget will be up W1.4 trillion ($1.2 billion) or 45 percent of the increases throughout the national budget. Still, on the one hand you have the Ministry of National Defense greatly disappointed, while others are upset at what they're calling an unreasonable increase in defense spending at a time when the economy is showing signs of long term recession.

    The fundamental reason for the situation is the calls for "sovereign national defense" that have been getting main-stage attention since the beginning of the current government. President Roh Moo-hyun has consistently talked about sovereign defense since his inauguration, and has repeatedly said that he's going to increase spending in the area to 3 percent of the GDP. At his Liberation Day address, he announced an ambitious desire to "create the basis for our military to have the capabilities of sovereign defense within the next 10 years." The Ministry of National Defense, however, says it can't even dream about the idea with this kind of increase.

    Our security environment is such that we have little choice but to spend a given amount to increase defense spending, no matter how difficult the economy may be. The problem is just how fully the country agrees with the increases. And it's all the more shocking when the money isn't being spent on things that would revive the economy, but that the increase itself won't even make up for the differences when the United States Forces Korea relocates farther from the front lines.

    According to the Korea Institute for Defense Analysis, the cost of making the country able to defend itself without assistance would be W209 trillion over 20 years. It wouldn't be too much to say that figure is reason enough to tie up the economy and cause it to lose its vitality.

    The government should stop using "sovereign national defense" to make the relocation or withdrawal of the USFK an established fact. It would be far wiser to consider the economic situation, the North Korean nuclear issue and other concerns together with defense, and employ all available diplomatic strength to coordinate the timing and speed of what happens in this area. The elements in our society who have led the way in opposing U.S. troops and in anti-Americanism need to tell the rest of the country exactly what their views are on the current situation, and bear responsibility for whatever may result.

    SEPTEMBER 2003

    Fourth Round of "Future of ROK-US Alliance Policy Initiative" During the Fourth Round of "Future of ROK-US Alliance Policy Initiative" (Sept 3-4) a news report was released claiming that the USFK had expanded its requirements to 40 percent of the 833 acres. This brought a cry of outrage from the Korean side.

    In the Third Round, the US side had proposed to hand over 10 different types of duties to the ROK, of which both sides agreed that the ROK armed forces take over nine. Among them are guard against North Korean special forces' seaborne infiltration, elimination of contaminants in the rear area in time of CBR (chemical, biological and radioactive) warfare waged by NK. It was expected that Korea would have to substantially increase its military expenditure to meet the new requirements from the transfer of duties such as purchasing of equipment and assigning of additional personnel to perform the duties. Since that time, the results of the studies demanded by President Roh on his 15 August announcement to achieve "self-reliance" by 2010 was in. The ROK suddenly was smacked between the eyeballs with the cost. It was staggering -- W209 trillion over 20 years..

    FIRST DAY: The first day ended with serious disagreement on key issues. South Korea and the U.S. failed to resolve differences over two defense agreements signed in 1990, which relate to the relocation of the U.S. garrison at Yongsan. Seoul had called the terms of the two agreements "unfavorable." In July the government asked the Pentagon to revise some clauses in the agreements at the third round of defense policy talks -- and referred the matter to the National Assembly in preparation of trying the matter in the court of public opinion.

    The chief policymakers, including Richard Lawless, U.S. deputy assistant secretary of defense, Asian and Pacific affairs, Christopher LaFleur, special envoy of the U.S. Department of State, and Cha from the Korean Ministry of Defense, were on the manifest.

    Under the agreements, the South Korean government was held responsible for all relocation costs for the U.S. garrison in central Seoul. However, government officials have argued that no specific means of calculating the moving costs which were stated in the original agreements. The ROK government claimed that the U.S. had unilaterally estimated the cost and they had no way of confirming a final figure ($9.5 billion) calculated by the U.S. They stated that in 1991, the United States estimated that $1.7 billion would be required to relocate the base. In 1993, it raised the estimate to $9.5 billion. Seoul has estimated only $3.9 billion will be needed for the move. (NOTE: Go to 1990: Return of Yongsan to Korea for background on this matter.)

    However, the USFK remained firm with its $9.5 billion estimate. However, Defense Minister Cho Young-kil said on 30 Jul that the planned reconfiguration of U.S. troops in South Korea will cost Seoul up to US$5 billion, dismissing worries that the expenses will amount to $15 billion -- $5 billion for Yongsan and $10 billion for the relocation off the DMZ by modest South Korean estimates. Again while the South was talking to themselves, the USFK maintained its $9.5 billion cost estimate for Yongsan alone.

    The second point on contention on the relocation move was that Seoul was required to exempt U.S. military personnel from any civil liabilities arising from the relocation. For example, a South Korean supplier to U.S. forces would not have the right to file a civil case against the military if its contract was unilaterally revoked due to the move. The 1990 agreements also made Seoul responsible for losses to businesses operating inside the base during the relocation. This point was NOT very important as the bulk of the businesses will be offered a contract extension to their business once the USFK is relocated to Pyongtaek.

    The U.S. negotiators were playing hardball and reportedly "demanded that the legal structure of the agreements be kept." In this way, the ROK would not be able to "renegotiate" the agreements. Instead, the negotiators wanted to have "an umbrella agreement" that would generally modify the two pacts -- much like an amendment without going through renegotiation process. The proposed agreement would state that ROK and U.S. would "study and evaluate all expenses related to the Yongsan garrison relocation before making a decision." On the other hand, the ROK desparately wants to renegotiate the costs down as well as slow down the relocation process. What was interesting was that the two sides agreed to ask "an outside, independent institute" to draft a master plan to relocate the Yongsan base. This most likely a contractor to handle all the planning, engineering and implementation work -- much like the system used to create the Inchon International Airport.

    The major sticking point of the discussions was the size of land that U.S. troops would retain at Yongsan. Buildings will be turned over as they are vacated and a part of South Post will be integrated with the adjacent Ministry of National Defense -- and the remaining commands will be moved there over time. (See USFK to Keep 20 Percent of Yongsan for background.) The USFK has stated that 1000 persons would remain in Seoul as part of the Combined Field Command Headquarters and OTHER functions. The USFK stated in July that "163 acres would NOT be turned over to civilian control." However, under its "force protection" policy, all the USFK personnel and dependents should be within one camp. The USFK envisioned the Hanam Village area being returned to the ROK control, but in exchange they would need more area within Yongsan. The United States sought to retain about 327 acres of the South Post for housing for the 1,000 military personnel who will remain at Yongsan. In addition, the USFK sought to eliminate the ROK road separating the Main and South posts.

    In addition, when the U.S. miliary and dependents moved within their area, South Korea would have to pay for the construction of residential units for the soldiers and their families. This is covered under the cost-sharing provisions under the SOFA.

    There is also the problem that certain facilities support the USFK forces Korea-wide. For example, the 18th Medical Command with all its medical specialists and specialized facilities are located at Yongsan. These facilities are NOT "symbolic" to the operation of the USFK. To move such large facilities to another base on short notice will create an enormous expense and require long lead times for design/construction. The costs incidentally the ROK will have to foot -- and they have shown an unwillingness to spend any money.

    Also what was not mentioned was how the Ministry of Defense is eyeing the land for sale to offset the cost of relocating the USFK -- and the prime real estate is on South Post's gently rolling hills. At the same time, the Seoul government has other plans for the land and has started to stake its claim. To complicate matters further, there is now a grassroots movement in Pyongtaek -- led by the mayor and city council -- to block the movement of the USFK into the city. All of these KOREAN issues can disrupt the relocation.

    The ROK balked on the high cost of the relocation, creation of new housing and increased requests for land. However, the balking may backfire of the ROK as the USFK added the caveat that it was willing to "reconsider the relocation of Yongsan Garrison, if its request were denied."

    A Sep 3 article in the Joongang Ilbo read:

    U.S. now seeks to keep more of Yongsan base

    A senior South Korean defense official says the United States is seeking to retain more of the land at Yongsan Garrison than it originally wanted after most U.S. troops stationed at the base are deployed to other areas of the country in three years.

    By 2006, the United States Forces Korea agreed to move most of its soldiers to military facilities in Osan and Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi province.

    U.S. military officials are seeking to keep about 40 percent of the 833 acres of land now occupied by its troops at Yongsan Garrison. The United States says it needs the extra land to house the forces that will stay on after the redeployment, the South Korean defense official said.

    The United States wants twice the area that South Korean officials estimated a month ago. An official told the JoongAng Ilbo in July that the Ministry of National Defense had been expecting more than 80 percent of the site would be turned over to South Korea.

    The official said the headquarters of the United Nations Command and the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command would remain in Seoul, and use about 163 acres of the compound adjacent to the defense ministry.

    Yongsan Garrison consists of three areas: Main Post, South Post of 432 acres and a 12-acre transportation compound.

    According to a high-ranking government source, the United States now seeks to retain about 327 acres of the South Post for housing for the 1,000 military personnel who will remain at Yongsan. U.S. miliary officials are also asking that South Korea pay for the construction of residential units for the soldiers and their families, the source said.

    “The United States recently demanded nearly 40 percent of the land at the Yongsan Garrison to house its remaining forces when we had preliminary contacts for the fourth round of the Future Policy Initiative meeting between the two countries,” the official said. “The issue will be discussed hotly at the meeting.” The defense negotiation is scheduled to take place in Seoul today and tomorrow. In addition to wanting a larger site, the U.S. side asked South Korea to undertake construction of the new housing because U.S. troops are no longer able to use the military facilities at Hannam Village, the source said. The U.S. military changed its housing policy so that all facilities must be located inside bases. Hannam Village, a U.S. military lodge outside the Yongsan Garrison, thus will not qualify.

    The U.S. side indicated its willingness to reconsider the relocation of Yongsan Garrison, if its request were denied. The Ministry of National Defense has reportedly rejected the U.S. efforts, citing financial difficulties. The ministry planned to sell the land that became available at Yongsan to the Seoul Metropolitan Government to help fund the moving cost of U.S. troops out of downtown Seoul.

    SECOND DAY: The round was completed on 4 Sept though there appears to have been some open agenda items. It appears that the USFK is still "dictating" to the ROK its intentions and the ROK is reacting as best it can. With President Roh's "self-reliance" position on the ROK being completely self-sufficient in its defense needs -- though somewhat unrealistic -- the Ministry of Defense is operating from a weak position. Its shift in strategy in July to "drag its feet and conquer" has not worked. The U.S. is not accepting delays. (See Yongsan Relocation Price Tag Challenged: A New Strategy Emerging??? for our opinion in July.)

    Both sides finally agreed to conclude an "umbrella agreement" next month aimed at revising a number of clauses that are causing problems in the two pacts signed in 1990, before proceeding to sign an additional pact on its implementation procedure. A FIFTH round of meetings would be held In October in Seoul to attempt to draft the new unified agreement, as well as agreements for implementation and engineering purposes. Once agreed upon, the umbrella agreement will be forwarded to the National Assembly for ratification. This "umbrella agreement" would then be formalized in the Security Consultative Meeting in Washington in October.

    (NOTE: The "Future of the ROK-US Alliance Policy Initiative" was agreed upon by the ROK Minister of National Defense and the US Secretary of Defense during the 34th Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) on December 5, 2002, to adapt the alliance to reflect changing regional and global security circumstances. This is the all-important meeting that will reveal the future ROK and U.S. alliance.)

    The ROK negotiating team seems to have resorted to a classic Korean strategem to stall until the last minute in order to force the other party to make concessions. They seem to be attempting to use the deadline for the October Security Consultative Meeting in Washington to force the U.S. side to make concessions. However, it appears at this point that the USFK will NOT be swayed by this technique. Though there will be intense pressure to conclude the work on the future of the alliance, the U.S. has already stated its position to remove or reduce its forces and move them south of the Han -- and if the ROK does NOT help, it simply act unilaterally to remove or reduce their forces. The ROK is in a very weak bargaining position. The ROK position is that they want the U.S. to remain in position as they need the U.S. high tech weaponry and military support -- while the Korea has NO strategic value to American interests abroad that will force it to remain forever in Korea. It also knows that the slightest hint that the U.S. is pulling out will drop the Korean economy into tailspin. Korea has no cards to play.

    The fourth round meeting was reported to have made "significant revisions" on several agreements that were deemed "not to be sustainable in light of the possible security vacuum Korea might suffer as a result of the alignment of front-line U.S. forces." However, the major issues remain unresolved and failed to make significant progress.

    The ROK-U.S. planned more discussions in October to seek an agreement over how much Seoul will pay to move garrison out of the capital. Ending two days of talks yesterday, the two sides agreed to work toward an umbrella agreement to modify two 13-year-old pacts on relocating the US military base outside of downtown Seoul. They have yet to agree on how to adjust controversial clauses in 1990 agreements, seen as "unfavorable" by Seoul. "The National Assembly did not ratify the existing agreements, and they contained flaws," Lieutenant General Cha Young-koo, deputy minister of policy at the Ministry of National Defense and Seoul's chief negotiator for the talks, said. (NOTE: This is part of the ploy to take the 1990 MOUs public. Though the MOUs were signed in 1990, the National Assembly never took the move seriously until now when it must come face to face with the dispute over the U.S. 9.5 billion cost estimate versus the ROK's $3.5 billion cost estimate.)

    As if to highlight the disagreement, the U.S. did not appear at the press briefing following the meeting.

    • In the Third Round, both sides agreed to the transfer of 9 of 10 missions to the ROK. Among them are guard against North Korean special forces' seaborne infiltration, elimination of contaminants in the rear area in time of CBR (chemical, biological and radioactive) warfare waged by NK. The two sides discussed the planned timeline of transfer of missions from US military to ROK forces. ROK will prepare to take over counter-artillery operations against DPRK's immediately, the two sides agreed. US and ROK will form a joint evaluation team for two annual assessments, starting in August 2005, in order to determine the timeline.

      The significance is that this frees up the 2d ID field artillery units for removal from the DMZ immediately. The other heavy armor -- M1A1 main battle tanks and Bradley Fighting vehicles -- are still up for discussion. In Rumsfeld's vision, these would be in "follow-on" packages with the equipment prepositioned on transport ships.

      Because the Stryker SBCT (replacement for the 2d ID) may go to Iraq instead of Korea as planned, Washington may have changed its strategy and implemented plans to slow down the removal of the heavy armor off of the DMZ. DoD has asked for Congressional approval to deploy the 3d Bde 2d ID SBCT to Iraq in July. Once in Iraq, the SBCT would be stuck there until 2004. However, if the Stryker SBCT should enter Korea earlier that 2004, it will change these negotiations dramatically. At this time, the 2005 time frame for relooking at the heavy armor issue may be realistic.

      However, what might be considered a major breakthrough is that the ROK for the first time has stated that there will be "reductions" along the DMZ. Even the U.S. has been mum on the issue of "reductions" pending the appearance of the 3d Bde 2d ID Stryker unit.

    • The plan for Korea to single-handedly guard the Joint Security Area from 2005 was agreed upon in the Third Round. However, it was discarded in favor of "reducing the U.S. military presence" by reducing the numbers of US guards at the Joint Security Area, an 800 meter (1/2 mile)-wide enclave. On the part of the U.S., the decision to reverse itself and remain in the Joint Security Area is NOT a major move. The positions are more "symbolic" that anything else as the UNC Security Battalion is only a 550 man unit of which 60 percent is ROK Army. Actually it is to the U.S. advantage to have members in the symbolic unit to retrieve the remains of U.S. soldiers in the on-going search in North Korea for Korean War dead. They postponed the schedule that would have ROK soldiers defending the southern half of the JSA alone.

    • Also discussed was the "environmental issue" which the ROK wishes added to the SOFA. However, the USFK has already stated that it will clean up the bases -- including Yongsan -- before return the bases to the ROK. Though it was not a specific provision of the SOFA, the USFK agreed to the item to speed up the relocation process. The ROK is pressing for more changes in the SOFA and the USFK has been "passive" on this issue -- meaning they don't want to discuss it at this time.

    • Another outcome from the meeting was that the ROK will not have to make up for the financial losses to AAFES contractors. It appears that the USFK has agreed to foot the losses. However, the losses projected for the life of the contracts are probably minimal. In addition, as 7,000 personnel are slated to move to Pyongtaek, there will be an increased need for many of the services. One would expect that the USFK will be offering new contracts to the companies to continue providing their services in Pyongtaek. Losses will be minimal.

    • The USFK stated in July that "163 acres would NOT be turned over to civilian control." However, under its "force protection" policy, all the USFK personnel and dependents should be within one camp. The USFK envisioned the Hanam Village area being returned to the ROK control, but in exchange they would need more area within Yongsan. The United States sought to retain about 327 acres of the South Post for housing for the 1,000 military personnel who will remain at Yongsan. In addition, the USFK sought to eliminate the ROK road separating the Main and South posts. The ROK balked on these items.

      The U.S. demanded that ROK build housing for U.S. soldiers who will remain. If the U.S. military and dependents are moved within the Yongsan area, South Korea would have to pay for the construction of residential units for the soldiers and their families. This is covered under the cost-sharing provisions under the SOFA. "But whether ROK will pay for it or not is a separate matter," according to General Cha Young-koo, deputy minister of policy at the Ministry of National Defense and Seoul's chief negotiator for the talks. This is a sticking point.

      The announcement by the Ministry of Defense that U.S. needed "10-20 percent" of Yongsan is a negotiating stance. The lower figure means the ROK is going to attempt to downsize the USFK land requirements through negotiations -- entering the negotiations with a low figure of "90 acres" (10 percent) for USFK use.

    • The USFK has never waivered on the costs being around $9.5 billion, but the ROK wishfully thinks the relocation costs can be in the $3.2 billion range -- and wants to renegotiate the costs. Under the agreements, the South Korean government was held responsible for all relocation costs for the U.S. garrison in central Seoul. However, government officials have argued that no specific means of calculating the moving costs which were stated in the original agreements. The ROK government claimed that the U.S. had unilaterally estimated the cost and they had no way of confirming a final figure ($9.5 billion) calculated by the U.S. This remains open.

      Both sides agreed to ask "an outside, independent institute" to draft a master plan to relocate the Yongsan base. This most likely a contractor to handle all the planning, engineering and implementation work -- much like the system used to create the Inchon International Airport.

      The ROK wanted to renegotiate the entire package, but the U.S. stood firm on an "umbrella agreement" to modify conditions. "The two sides agreed to draw up an umbrella agreement to modify the flaws, and we will ask the Assembly to ratify it before the end of this year." The umbrella agreement will stipulate the outline of the policy involving the relocation of Yongsan Garrison.

      Any new agreements will not override the existing 1990 pacts, which will remain binding. The U.S. negotiators "demanded that the legal structure of the agreements be kept." The U.S. negotiators wanted to have "an umbrella agreement" that would generally modify the two pacts -- without affecting the legal force. On the other hand, the ROK continues to desparately seek ways to renegotiate the costs down -- as well as slow down the relocation process.
    According to the Choson Ilbo on 5 Sep there are some major differences that the USFK is still hassling over. The article mentions the land issue.

    Yongsan Base Relocation Plans Updated

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    Korea and the United States have begun to sketch a new "unified agreement" that will replace two agreements made in 1990 for the relocation of the Yongsan base. The two old pacts were subjects of controversy, as critics said they were unfair and perhaps illegal. The new agreement will be sent to the National Assembly for ratification this year.

    Both countries agreed at the fourth round of the meetings themed "Future of the Alliance Policy Initiative," which ended Thursday, that large portions of the 1990 agreements were unrealistic. Korean representative Cha Young-gu, chief policy-maker at the Defense Ministry, said that a fifth round of meetings would be held next month in Seoul to draft the new unified agreement, as well as agreements for implementation and engineering purposes.

    The 1990 agreements state that when relocating the U.S. Army base, Korea must take full responsibility for consequent losses incurred by businesses on the base, such as the PX commissaries. Critics also pointed out that the old agreements contain no mention of U.S. responsibility for environmental damage. Korea has promoted an all-out revision but the U.S. Forces Korea has taken a passive attitude concerning the revision of certain provisions.

    The two nations said that the specific amount of land from the Yongsan base to be returned, and the number of remaining soldiers and facilities in that area, would be thoroughly discussed as soon as the end of this month.

    The Korean government plans to reserve 10 to 20 percent of the 833 acres of land in Yongsan for the USFK. But differences in opinion are expected, as the USFK reportedly may ask for a larger portion for the purpose of housing and building schools and hospitals.

    The USFK also wants the U.S. quarters outside of the Yongsan base, such as the Han-nam Village complex which houses 600 households, to be relocated inside the base, in accordance with U.S. anti-terror measures. But the Korean government said it would be difficult to solely bear all the expenses for the housing construction necessary.

    Both sides agreed that the transferring the main headquarters of the firepower conflict execution committee, set up to prepare for a North Korean long-range missile attack, would begin with a joint Korea-U.S. evaluation team. In August 2005, the team would assess whether Korea had the independent abilities in terms of military strategies, and make a decision on the question of handing over the headquarters. If Korea were found to be lacking in its preparations, the evaluations will be held every six months afterward.
    New deal on Ammo Disposal The ROK and USFK decided to revise the memorandum of understanding (MOU) regarding the ``ammunition demilitarization process'' as it has been under fire for being "unfair" to the South Korean side. Under the 1999 accord, the pact required the South Korean military authorities to hold prior consultation with the U.S. military before disposing of its own ammunition. This item has been an arguing point with politicians and activists, but in truth it is really only a hassle point.

    Under the new agreement signed on 4 Sept, Korea may dispose of their own outdated munitions without notifying the USFK. Signing the agreement were Choi Dong-jin, chief of the ministry's acquisition office, and Charles Campbell, U.S. Forces Korea chief of staff. (NOTE: The term "outdated munitions" or "spent munitions" implies that these items are WRM ordnance that has not been fired and has exceeded their shelf life for safe storage.)

    The significance may not seem apparent until you consider that over 70 percent of all the ROK War Readiness (WRM) munitions are provided by the U.S. (NOTE: This startling fact is from the ROK's own assessment in March 2003 of its ability to be "self-reliant" by 2010.) Reading between the lines, it appears that they have just split the accounts to allow the ROK to handle their WRM munitions on their own. If this is true, this means that the U.S. would transfer their WRM munitions assets gratis to the ROK -- and resupply would have to be renegotiated. In this way, the USFK and ROK would each replenish their own WRM stocks through their own supply sources.

    A joint-use WRM account provided the bulk of the munitions up till now. However, with this new agreement, the ROK would handle their own WRM assets and therefore, it would be logical that the ROK would have the ability to dispose of its assets without reporting to the U.S. for accountability purposes. If true, the ROK will start picking up the cost of its own WRM munitions in the future -- something that is long overdue.

    Also remember that the USFK Air Force Units are to increase its stocks of precision joint direct attack munitions (JDAMS). The JDAMS is already being built up in Korea with praises over its ease of assembly as well as reduced inspection times after buildup. The ROK has yet to switch over.

    As for the Army, the USFK is preparing to remove its M1A1 Main Battle Tanks and Field Artillery units and replace the 2d ID units with the Stryker Interim Brigade Combat Team -- a medium infantry concept. The "heavy" infanty units are envisioned by Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld in the "follow-on" packages with the equipment stored on transport ships.

    Under current Oplans, the bulk of the munitions stored in the area for "follow-on" forces are to be stored in Korea in the new multi-million dollar storage igloos that were built throughout the country between 2001-2003. The forces in Japan and Okinawa are scripted in Oplans to simply show up with their aircraft/heavy armor and personnel and start fighting. As a result the "follow-on" WRM munitions for U.S. "follow-on" forces should best be stored under USFK control alone.

    In addition, under the new pact, ROK and USFK officials agreed to revise a controversial ammunition disposal agreement in a "fair and environment-friendly way" according to the Ministry of Defense. Under the old 1999 accord, U.S. forces in South Korea were allowed to "detonate or incinerate" their ammunition, not only from its bases in the South but also from other nearby overseas bases such as Okinawa.

    The importation of outdated munitions from Japan or Okinawa for disposal is NOT a major concern. Though the provision was in effect, the U.S. has NEVER imported munitions for disposal. On the opposite side of the coin, transporting the outdated munitions out of Korea for disposal would be prohibitively high if sent to the nearest safe disposal sites in the Pacific. It would be better to construct facilities in Korea and dispose of it in-country. For the U.S. to contribute fifty-percent to the cost of constructing such a facility ($21 million share) would simply be cost-effective.

    Once built, the new facilities will be capable of reprocessing more than 10,000 tons of used ammunitions annually. Currently, the two nations store and incinerate the used materials but the new facility is expected to save up to 120 billion won in expenses for dealing with the used ammunition over the next 15 years. The site for the facility is yet to be selected.

    The following appeared in the Chosun Ilbo on 5 Sep.

    New Deal Reached for Destroying Old Ammo

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    The Defense Ministry said Thursday that Korean and U.S. authorities had revised elements of their agreement on the disposal of outdated ammunition, which critics say is unfair for Korea.

    Signing the agreement to change the War Reserved Stock for Allies system were Choi Dong-jin, chief of the ministry's acquisition office, and Charles Campbell, U.S. Forces Korea chief of staff. The revision calls for a suspension of the normal methods of disposing outdated ammunition - burning or detonating it - and the construction of high-tech facilities to recover reusable components and safely treat the rest.

    According to the new agreement, the United States will no longer be able to bring in for disposal here old ammunition from U.S. forces based outside of America or Korea.
    Also, ammunition owned by the USFK but judged dangerous for the environment cannot be treated in the new facilities.

    Also, the Korean military will be allowed to dispose of its ammunition without consulting the USFK, which it had to do in the past.

    The new environmentally-friendly treatment facilities will be built by 2006 and cost W49.6 billion ($42 million), half paid by Washington, half by Seoul. They will be able to treat up to 10,000 tons of old ammunition, and will save W120 billion won over the next 15 years by eliminating management and storage costs.
    Costs to ROK for Relocation off DMZ The following is an article from the Chosun Ilbo on 22 Sep:

    Counting Cost of USFK Relocation

    by Heo Yong-beom (heo@chosun.com)

    If the U.S. Army's 2nd Infantry Division is withdrawn from its positions near the North-South border, the costs to replace its equipment will total W5.5 trillion ($4.6 billion), if the South is to maintain the war-fighting potential there. The figure is about 31.5 percent of this year's defense budget of W17.4 trillion.

    A Grand National Party lawmaker and member of the National Assembly's defense committee, Park Se-hwan, said Monday that the equipment of U.S. forces that would need to be replaced included $2.6 billion in ground equipment, $1.8 billion in air equipment and $51.9 million in anti-air weapons such as missiles. This includes M1A1 tanks, M2 armored vehicles, 155? self-propelled guns, MLRS/ATCMS (multi-engine rockets), AH-64 Apache helicopters, OH-58D scout helicopters, UH-60 helicopters, stinger missiles and avenger missiles.

    "If we include emergency ammunition, entrainment equipment, support brigades and engineering brigades, it will take at least minimum of $5 billion," Park said.

    Park pointed out that the Ministry of Defense has estimated that it would cost $3-5 billion if the 2nd Division moves south of the Han River. But that represents only pure transition costs, not costs for replacing the military capability.

    "The Ministry of Defense presented a defense budget that is 3.2 percent of the GDP," Park said. "However, the government reduced this to 2.8 percent because of a lack of funds. Taking into consideration the tremendous costs for substitute equipment, we should consider postponing the repositioning of the 2nd Division for as long as possible."
    Extra 10.5 million Square Meters for Relocation The ROK started claiming that "extra" land was being required and that it was "almost" agreed upon and it would agreed upon during the October US-ROK SCM. The following article appeared in the Donga Ilbo on 23 Sep:

    Extra 10.5 million Sq. Meters of Land Needed for Relocation of USFK

    As the Yongsan garrison and the U.S. second infantry division are to be relocated, the Korean government will have to provide 10.2 million to 10.5 million sq. meters of land to the U.S. Forces in Korea.

    During the National Assembly`s National Defense Committee`s inspection session held at the Ministry of Defense on September 23, defense minister Cho Young-kil said, "For the relocation of the USFK, Korea and the U.S. almost agreed that Korea would provide 10.2 million to 10.5 million sq. meters of land, in addition to the land of the existing U.S. bases in Osan-si and Pyeongtaek-si, Gyeonggi. He also said that it would be finally confirmed at the US-ROK Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) scheduled for next month.

    Therefore, the Ministry of Defense set aside 250 billion won for the purchase of land in the ministry`s next year budget. However, the Ministry explained that it is too early to disclose how much it will cost to purchase extra land for US military bases.

    The defense minister said that if the national sends around 3,000 troops to Iraq, it would cost approximately 200 billion won every year.

    However, he replied that it was not an exact figure because extra costs, such as wages and equipment cost, were not added, when Millennium Democratic Party Rep. Lee Man-sup asked about the expected spending.

    (Irrelevant material clipped)

    OCTOBER 2003

    S.Korea to Buy Land for Relocation of Yongsan Base Next Year Seoul, Oct. 4 (Yonhap) -- The South Korean government will begin purchasing land south of Seoul early next year to move the U.S. military headquarters out of Seoul, officials. Earlier this year, the allies agreed to relocate the U.S. Yongsan Garrison to Pyeongtaek and Osan by 2006. The prominent U.S. military presence in the capital's center has been a constant source of anti-American sentiment among South Koreans. However, there is a matter of timing as well.

    The ROK Ministry of Defense has stated repeatedly that they will try to sell the Yongsan land FIRST to offset the costs of relocation. If they are intending to follow through on their pledge, how will they do so while the land issues are still unresolved as to the how much of Yongsan will remain in USFK control. This seriously smells like a ploy to get through the SCM scheduled for 28 October and then start on the renegotiation process under the classic "stall and conquer" strategy. During a succession of recent working-level consultations, the U.S. reportedly accepted most of South Korea’s demands on revisions of agreements that stipulate the conditions of the relocation. Seoul has insisted the memorandum of understanding (MOU) and memorandum of agreement (MOA), signed between the two sides in 1990, imposed an unfair financial burden on South Korea. The U.S. states that it is willing to bend, but the MOA will remain in efffect.

    On 5 Oct Joongang Ilbo announced that the talks resumed on the USFK relocation from Yongsan. This is the fifth Future of ROK-U.S. Policy Initiative meeting scheduled to take place just prior to the SCM. It will attempt to finalize the agreement on the scale of the ROK-US CFC and UNC to remain at Yongsan AFTER the relocations are complete in 2006. According to the newspaper, "South Korean officials said that this week’s meetings would also discuss modifying agreements signed in 1990 that provide for financial compensation by the Korean government for losses incurred at the U.S. military post exchange and for cost sharing in environmental cleanups required on U.S. military bases." This is the hotly contested area with the USFK stating 9.5 billion while the ROK are stating 3.5 billion. That's a lot of disagreement. Defense Minister Cho Young-ki reported that about 1.3 million pyong of land (one pyong equals 3.3 square meters) will be needed for the new base to be built at a total cost of $3 billion. The Yongsan base currently occupies 870,000 pyong.

    The negotiating teams were trying to reach an agreement that could be signed by the defense ministers of the two countries during the Security Consultative Meeting scheduled here on Oct. 24-25. On 7 Oct, it was announced that "at Washington's request" the Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) was being rescheduled. The reason cited was schedule problems of its defense minister Donald Rumsfeld and President Bush leaving the country for an APEC meeting during the same time period. Negotiations are under way at another military session here to reset the dates to sometime in mid-November. This definitely does not bode well for the negotiations -- meaning that there were serious disagreements between the U.S. and Korea that could not be ironed out in time for the SCM. Diplomatic sources said it was because Seoul needs to resolve its stand on Iraq first before the U.S. commits itself to negotiations.

    The meeting was sending up signal flares everywhere as the U.S.-ROK team couldn't even agree of the joint message at the end of the session. Both sides refused to issue a joint communique on the meeting -- even to say that there was a problem. Most analysts thought the problem stemmed from money for the relocation and the U.S. refusal to consider the ROK's proposed revision of the MOU dealing with the relocation of Yongsan. What happens next is anyone's guess.

    U.S. Seeks a Regional Role for USFK Forces According to the Joongang Ilbo on 10 Oct, the U.S. was seeking a regional role for the forces in Korea.

    We were wondering when the U.S. would get around to addressing this issue. The new global strategy for the U.S. has the Stryker Brigades being highly mobile so that they could be deployed rapidly to hot spots. In June the idea was the Stryker to be stationed in Korea on a "rotational basis" but that was really out of the question if you're using it to justify reductions in USFK forces. If the SBCT is stationed at Pyongtaek, it would have to be committed to a regional role -- as well as forming the backbone of the USFK defense force.

    "Regional" covers an area stretching from Taiwan to Russia -- but this is just the opening card. 7th AF assets have been deployed with regularity to South East Asia for exercises such as Cobra Gold in Thailand. Thus the term "regional" may be expanded later. Korea is a member of ASEAN and it could be argued that Korea is part of a much larger "region."

    The ROK has agreed on the condition that the ROK defense is not degraded. The U.S. stated that it will replace any units removed with like defense coverage. The U.S. has done this for years to maintain the critical balance of power in the area -- though there have been periods when forces were split between Taiwan and Korea during simultaneous flareups in threatened hostilities.

    Seoul also set forth conditions that South Korean forces must not be involved in overseas conflicts unrelated with South Korea. This is not a problem as ROK forces are under the command of the ROK during peacetime and only fall under the CFC during actual attack.

    This is a sticky issue to say the least. Supposedly this was agreed upon and a letter would be sent to the SCM for both sides to ratify this change. The article was as follows:


    U.S. said to seek regional role for forces in Korea

    In what appears to be a major change in military ties between the United States and South Korea, Seoul defense officials have accepted a Pentagon plan that would expand the responsibilities of American troops in Korea in order to create a more regional force, a senior South Korean official said yesterday.

    During the fifth round of talks over the future of the U.S.-South Korea alliance this week, the United States sought South Korea’s agreement for the use of U.S. forces in duties outside the peninsula, presumably covering Russia and Taiwan, the official said on the condition of anonymity.

    South Korea reportedly expressed its understanding on the condition that any change would not disturb the two countries’ joint defense capabilities.

    By accepting the regional role concept, South Korea apparently agreed to a fundamental reorganization of its half-century military alliance with the United States. The relationship began when the two countries signed a mutual defense treaty in 1953, and the U.S. troops have played the role of deterring North Korea based on the pact.

    “When the USS Kitty Hawk aircraft carrier left Japan in March to take part in the Iraq war, the USS Carl Vinson was dispatched to the waters off the peninsula,” a senior defense ministry official said. “As we can see, the United States will maintain the level of its deterrence against North Korea unless the threat is resolved.” Seoul also set forth conditions that South Korean forces must not be involved in overseas conflicts unrelated with South Korea, the official said. The U.S.-led Combined Forces Command has wartime operational command over South Korean troops.

    South Korea also asked that Washington consult with Seoul in advance before dispatching its troops from the peninsula to foreign locations, the official said.

    South Korea will soon send the United States a letter to be signed by a senior Seoul official expressing the government’s position, the source said. The two countries reportedly planned to include such an expanded role for the United States Forces Korea in a joint statement to be adopted at the annual security consultation meeting scheduled to take place in mid-November. Top defense officials of the two countries will attend the meeting.

    The United States has reportedly agreed to Seoul’s preconditions.

    Maureen Cormack, U.S. Embassy press attache, said last night that U.S. officials here are not allowed to comment on or verify the issues associated with the ongoing negotiations. Kim Young-kyu, a USFK spokesman, also said he was not allowed to comment on the issue.

    Defense experts said there had been indications that the United States was planning such a change. At the previous defense policy talks, the United States and South Korea agreed that 10 selective missions would be transferred to Korean troops from the American soldiers here.

    The agreed realignment of the U.S. troops on the peninsula was also seen as an indication of U.S. preparation to reconceptualize its troops’ role in the region, defense experts said.

    According to a draft of an agreement on the Yongsan relocation plan, released by the National Campaign for Eradication of Crimes by USFK, a South Korean civic group, the two governments agreed in September that the headquarters of the United States Forces Korea would relocate to Osan Air Base.

    The headquarters of the U.S. 8th Army would move to Camp Humphreys in Pyeongtaek, the draft said. The headquarters of the South Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command and the United Nations Command would stay in the Yongsan Garrison in Seoul.

    by Special Reporting Team
    ROK Trying to Get Out of Yongsan Relocation MOA: The latest battle about the Yongsan relocation is going to be fought in the Korean press. The U.S. has taken a firm stand that the Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) will stand. The ROK on the other hand does not want to foot the bill. They have even gone so far as to say that if they send troops to Iraq, they should get a "discount" reduction in costs. The Ministry of Defense has also linked the move to the sale of the land at the Yongsan Garrison to help pay for the relocation. The latest moves claims the U.S. "blackmailed" the ROK into signing the document. Undoubtedly this is incite the anti-American NGO groups to use this as "proof" to demonstrate against the U.S. The bottomline is that the ROK is attempting to renegotiate the MOA but the U.S. will not. Demonstrations by the NGO groups will not change this. The following article is from the Korea Times on 22 Oct 2003:

    Yongsan Base Pact May Violate Constitution

    The full text of a memorandum signed by South Korean and United States officials more than a decade ago on the Yongsan base relocation is under fire for containing clauses that favor the U.S.

    The Korean edition of Newsweek yesterday unveiled a copy of a memorandum signed at the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) joint committee meeting on May 14, 1991, the content of which was not known until recently.

    The paper recognizes the 1990 Memorandum of Agreement and Memorandum of Understanding on the relocation of the main U.S. military base out of Seoul as legal and binding documents.

    The constitutionality of the two papers, signed by the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) commander and the South Korean defense minister, had been questioned even within government circles as it lacked the National Assembly approval needed for a major decision involving large amounts of government funds.

    ``It is requested that the agreement (the MOA) be hereby recognized by the Joint Committee as a legal and binding agreement,’’ the paper said.

    ``In addition, the basic MOA and its MOU will be effective in accordance with the provisions of the SOFA,’’ it added.

    The document was signed by Ban Ki-moon, the incumbent presidential foreign policy advisor who served as the Foreign Ministry’s director-general on North American affairs at the time, and Lt. Gen. Ronald Fogleman of the USFK.

    Rep. Ahn Young-keun of the New Party for Participatory Citizens on Monday said at the National Assembly that South Korea had been pressured into signing the 1991 memorandum cementing the controversial 1990 MOA and MOU.

    He quoted an intelligence report made to the president at the time that said the contents of the 1991 memorandum must be kept a secret as it could incite fierce protests from the opposition parties and radical students.

    According to the full text of the National Intelligence Agency paper obtained by Internet news provider Ohmynews, the U.S. knew of the problems in the 1990 papers and thus forced Ban of the Foreign Ministry to sign the paper.

    ``USFK vice commander Fogleman visited director general of American Affairs Bureau Ban Ki-moon on May 13 ... and forced him to sign the document drafted unilaterally by the U.S. side, which recognizes the legality of the MOA,’’ the internal report said.

    The spy agency document, the veracity of which could not be confirmed, went on to say Ban, like others at the Foreign Ministry, may have been fearful of blackmail by the U.S. if he kept resisting the demands. ``Thus authorities need to take extra caution that the procedures involving the signature of the memorandum not be leaked to the press,’’ it said.

    ``We also need to soon develop logics against the paper’s unconstitutionality and inequality in case it is made public,’’ the memo added.

    Seo Soo-min Staff Reporter ssm@koreatimes.co.kr
    10-22-2003 18:09
    Rumsfeld to visit Seoul in November The Yonhap News Agency reported on 25 Oct that U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld would visit Seoul in November for talks on North Korea's nuclear weapons program and the planned redeployment of American troops in South Korea. Rumsfeld will likely take part in the Security Consultative Meeting according to Japanese sources.

    NOVEMBER 2003

    U.S. Proposes to Replace Armistice In Nov 2003, it was reported that the US has proposed creating a new multilateral peace mechanism on the Korean Peninsula to replace the armistice according to the Japanese business daily, the Nihon Keizai Shimbun..

    The US made the offer to the DPRK at the three-nation talks, which included the PRCin April. Washington has proposed the mechanism as a way to officially end the war and to break the impasse over Pyongyang's nuclear arms development -- an issue that continues to threaten East Asia's stability.

    With Seoul never having signed the armistice that concluded the Korean War, the DPRK and the ROK technically remain at war. Washington has indicated it would negotiate such a framework on the condition that Pyongyang unilaterally abandons its nuclear weapons program and resolves other pending issues, such as concerns surrounding biological and chemical weapons and the test-firing of missiles.

    The US is believed to be weighing a legally binding peace agreement or treaty signed by armistice signatories -- US, the DPRK, the PRC as well as the ROK and Japan, the daily said. It would also stipulate how the ROK and DPRK should co-exist. The ramifications of this could be far-reaching if pressed forward...including the removal of USFK forces from Korea if an Armistice between both Koreas is signed.

    Marines Swap Ships in Chinhae The following is from USFK Press Release 05-20030612 (usfj.mil/NewsRelease_ChinhaeUSFK3Nov3.doc). The significance of this movement is that it starts to justify Donald Rumsfeld's plan to preposition assets off the cost of Korea -- which in turn would enable the heavy divisions along the DMZ to be reduced.

    U.S. Marines swap ships in Chinhae

    Cpl. Danielle M. Bacon
    Marine Corps Forces Pacific

    Republic of Korea Naval Base, Chinhae, Korea (October 29, 2003) — More than 300 U.S. Marines based out of Okinawa and 100 sailors from California are working to offload 11,000 items from Maritime Preposition Ships, in order to enhance the Marine Corps' ability to rapidly respond to emergencies where needed.

    The 3rd Marine Expeditionary Brigade (forward), III Marine Expeditionary Force and 3rd Naval Beach Group, along with Republic of Korea Forces, are conducting an exercise, which involves an equipment exchange between two maritime preposition ships – the MV Pvt. Franklin J. Phillips and the SS Sgt. Matej Kocak. (NOTE: See USFK Website for Maritime Preposition Enhancement Exercise.)

    The evolution started on Oct. 26 and is scheduled to be complete in 15 days, after which the service members will have transferred 680 combat vehicles, tanks, amphibious assault vehicles and 260 containers with ammunition, tools and spare parts between the ships.


    The rapid-response Kocak is based with Maritime Preposition Squadron-1 located in the Mediterranean Sea, while the Phillips serves the Maritime Preposition Squadron-2 at Naval Support Facility, Diego Garcia, prepared for deployment in the Indian Ocean.

    These squadrons are two of a three-squadron team. The third, Maritime Preposition Squadron-3, patrols the Pacific. While these squadrons are based in different regions, they can respond to different contingencies all around the world.

    As part of the Maritime Preposition Force, each squadron can deliver equipment and supplies for an MEB of more than 17,000 Marines and sailors and sustain them for 30 days.

    The Marine brigade can fly in from another location on short notice, offload the ships and be ready to conduct military operations in a matter of days.

    Pre-positioning is not a new concept to the Corps -- it was started in the early 1980s to improve the response time for needed equipment and supplies to theater operations.

    In 1979, then President Carter's Secretary of Defense approved the creation of a Maritime Prepositioning Ship Program supporting the Marine Corps in the Department of Defense Navy Program Objective Memorandum.

    The first equipment-laden ships headed to the British island of Diego Garcia, where a staff maintained the ships in a high state of readiness so that they could deploy within 24 hours to possible contingency locations that include the Middle East and unite with the awaiting forces.

    There are currently 16 ships, but the Military Sealift Command plans on adding more ships to each squadron.

    "The MPF concept was proven during Desert Storm and revalidated in Operation Iraqi Freedom," said Lt. Gen. Wallace C. Gregson, Marine Corps Forces Pacific commanding general. "The MPF demonstrates our commitment to the defense of the Republic of Korea and compliments the realignment of other U.S. forces on the (Korean) peninsula."
    The above was part of a "fast deployment drill" by the U.S. Marines. The following article covers the same exercise.

    US marines in South Korea for fast deployment drill

    Wednesday, 22-Oct-2003 10:20PM PDT
    Story from AFP Copyright 2003 by Agence France-Presse (via ClariNet)

    SEOUL, Oct 23 (AFP) - Some 400 US military personnel have arrived at the southern navy port of Chinhae in South Korea for a drill aimed at speeding up deployment, US military authorities said Thursday.

    The group, including 300 marines and 100 navy personnel, will spend some 15 days drilling the loading and offloading of two ships carrying equipment and supplies for a Marine expeditionary brigade.

    The marine brigade can fly in from another location on short notice, offload the ships and be ready to conduct military operations in a matter of days, the US military said in a statement.

    It said the "equipment exchange" drill would involve two US Maritime Preposition ships, namely the MV Phillips and the SS Kopak, both based with Maritime Preposition Squadron-2.

    The two ships are "strategically positioned to rapidly respond to any crisis in the Pacific region, including the Korean peninsula."


    The US marines involved in the drill are being deployed from Okinawa, Japan.

    A US marine officer told AFP the exercise was "not specifically tied" to the crisis over North Korea's nuclear drive.

    "But it is important to note that we could rapidly respond to a crisis on the Korean peninsula," he said.
    (NOTE: For the Army Preposition Program go to Forscom. The Army will utilize Large Medium-Speed Roll-on/Roll-off ships (LMSR Ro/Ro). There are other types of Preposition ships in the Navy inventory. Go to Preposition Ships for photos. ) The following are the US Sealift Forces from Orbat:

    United States Sealift Forces
    v.1.0 September 30, 2001

    Ravi Rikhye
    More detailed information is available at www.msc.navy.mil . Because of the current situation, the website is no longer providing information on movements of Sealift Force ships.
    United States sealift forces come under the Military Sealift Command and fall into three categories:
    • Afloat Prepositioning Program
    • Sealift Program
    • Naval Fleet Auxiliary Force (covered next week)

    Afloat Prepositioning Program
    This program has 37 ships in three elements:
    • Maritime Preposition Ships (US Marine Corps; 3 MEB)
    • Combat Preposition Force (US Army, 1 heavy brigade)
    • Logistic Preposition Ships (Fuel, ammunition, aviation support)
    Maritime Preposition Ships
    This element has 14 ships in three squadrons. Each squadron can support a Marine Expeditionary Brigade of 17,600 troops for 30 days.
    • Maritime Preposition Squadron One – Mediterranean, five ships
    • Maritime Preposition Squadron Two – Indian Ocean, Diego Garcia, five ships
    • Maritime Preposition Squadron Three – Pacific, Guam/Saipan, four ships
    Three more ships will be added, one to each squadron.

    Combat Preposition Force
    This force has 13 ships and is building up to 15. It supports an Army heavy brigade of 6,000 for 15 days, plus initial combat support elements for 38. Its ships are dispersed under the command of the 3 Maritime Preposition Squadrons. At full strength, the force will consist of:
    • 8 LMSRs
    • 4 Container ships
    • 2 Heavy lift ships
    • 1 Crane ship
    The LMSR is a Large Medium Speed Ro/Ro. By 2002, the total LMSRs will be 19. The balance11 will augment naval sealift capabilities. An LMSR can carry 100 tanks and APCs, which equip a tank battalion, and 900 vehicles.
    Note on LMSRs: All 8 ships form Afloat Preposition Squadron 4, an asset of US 3rd Army. The ships have no permanent home-port and are stationed in the Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean. The HQ staff is at Diego Garcia.


    Logistic Preposition Force
    This force has 9 ships:
    • 3 ammunition ships for USAF (2 at Diego Garcia and 1 in the Mediterranean)
    • 1 USN ammunition ship (Diego Garcia)
    • 3 POL ships for the US Defense Logistics Agency (2 at Diego Garcia, 1 in the Pacific)
    • 2 Aviation Support Ships in reduced operating status, providing intermediate maintenance support for US Marine Corps aviation.

    Sealift Program
    This program has three elements. All ships are chartered to, or in wartime come under, Military Sealift Command:
    • Dry Cargo Project Office (16 ships, carry engineer/construction equipment, military vehicles, aircraft, and ammunition).
    • Tanker Project Office (15 tankers; more can be chartered as needed).
    • Surge Project Office
    Surge Project Office
    This office has three elements:
    • Fast Sealift Ships (96 hours readiness, 8 ships of 30+ knots, carry equipment for one mechanized division).
    • Surge LMSR (96 hours readiness, 8 ships, increasing to 11, can carry a tank battalion's AFVs plus 900 vehicles)
    • Ready Reserve Force
    Ready Reserve Force
    This has 76 ships maintained by the US Department of Transportation's Maritime Administration. Ships are on 4-day readiness (all Ro-Ros), 5-, 10-, and 20-days readiness. Ships on 4-day readiness generally have a permanent complement of 10 sailors. The ships are held at three sites:
    • James River, Ft. Eustis (near Newport News, Virginia)
    • Neches River (Beaumont, Texas)
    • Suisun Bay (Concord, California)
    Impatience Showing on U.S. over Korea Waffling There was growing impatience with America's reluctant ally. The ROK continued to waffle over its stance of the relocation of forces South of the DMZ. A 12 November article in the New York Times summarized America's feeling:

    U.S. Awaits South Korea Plan on Troop Numbers in Seoul

    November 12, 2003
    By THOM SHANKER (NY Times)

    W ASHINGTON, Nov. 11 — American and South Korean negotiators are close to agreement on a plan to relocate thousands of United States troops from Seoul. But as Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld prepares to visit the region, the deal is being held up while South Korea decides how many American forces, if any, it wants to remain in the capital.

    Bush administration officials and diplomats based in Washington say an agreement for American troops to leave the Yongsan garrison, covering a giant swath of prime real estate in downtown Seoul, is all but ready for presentation to the South Korean Parliament for consideration and approval.

    The remaining question, officials say, is whether the South Korean government will decide to ask the American military to maintain what is termed a "residual presence" in the capital, or whether all of the forces and their headquarters will relocate to two southern bases.

    American officials and foreign diplomats said the South Korean military hopes that a contingent of 700 to 1,000 American military personnel will remain in the capital, serving as liaison with the South Korean military. Their presence also helps counter domestic political pressures on the South Korean military to move out of its own prestigious location in the capital to more secure locations in the south. A quiet minority also supports keeping an American military presence in the capital for symbolic reasons.


    But voices calling for the removal of all American troops from Seoul dominate the public debate and are weighing on the government of President Roh Moo Hyun.

    "We are not demanding a residual presence," said one Bush administration official. "We are ready to move south, and keep small numbers in Seoul. But we won't keep even those small numbers in Seoul if it creates a problem."

    American officials and foreign diplomats say the question could be resolved with a clear statement by the South Korean government of its preferences. Then negotiations could be concluded and an "umbrella agreement" covering all issues involved in the relocation could be presented to Parliament before its scheduled adjournment in December.

    Otherwise, those officials say, months could be lost before action is taken.


    Administration officials said negotiators from the Departments of Defense and State agreed to remove onerous provisions contained in bilateral agreements from the 1990's, relieving South Korea of liabilities for such matters as lost revenues and severed contracts should the move go through.

    Even so, the cost to the South Korean government of relocating American forces from the capital is predicted to be about $3 billion. In turn, the American government has told South Korea that it will invest more than $11 billion over four years on improving United States and South Korean defenses there.

    About 8,000 American military personnel are based in Seoul, a source of friction with the local population as well as a security concern. When dependents, Defense Department civilians and contractors are included, the number swells to about 20,000 people.

    The size and location of American forces on the peninsula, called "the footprint," have been under discussion since the 1990's, and the question is at the center of maintaining a healthy alliance 50 years after the Korean War.

    The possible move out of Seoul is part of a broader discussion that includes a two-step plan to consolidate temporarily all of the American forces now stationed at many locations between Seoul and the demilitarized zone along the border with North Korea, before moving them to permanent quarters south of the capital. Although tentative planning discussions are also under way about reducing from 37,000 the number of American personnel while maintaining their combat punch and deterrent capability, Pentagon officials said that contentious issue would not be on Mr. Rumsfeld's agenda. No decisions are expected for months to come.
    On 15 Nov, the chairmen of the South Korean and U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff met in Seoul to discuss post-war Iraq and other pending military issues. South Korea's Kim Jong-hwan and his U.S. counterpart Richard B. Myers also reviewed a range of issues to be covered at next Monday's defense ministerial talks between the two countries. The reports indicated there was still major issues that were unresolved at the end of the meeting. Prime Minister Goh Kun said Friday that any redeployment of U.S. forces in Korea should be made in parallel with the progress in the North Korean nuclear issue at six-way talks.

    SCM Protests Donald Rumsfeld arrived on 17 Nov with great pomp and ceremony only to be greeted outside with signs calling him a "warmonger." The SCM seems fated for a deadlock. Amid boisterous anti-war protests, the defense chiefs of South Korea and the United States began talks on 17 Nov which officials said were expected to focus on Seoul's troop dispatch to Iraq and Washington's plan to realign its military bases in the South. U.S. Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld flew to Seoul on 16 Nov for annual security consultations with his South Korean counterpart, Cho Young-kil. He was to visit President Roh Moo-hyun and U.S. soldiers stationed in Korea before leaving on 18 Nov.

    Officials said following the 17 Nov SCM meeting that they had hoped for a conclusive settlement of the issue of dispatching additional troops to Iraq and matters surrounding the redeployment of U.S. troops in South Korea. The latter has hit a snag over the size and makeup of the main U.S. garrison that will be left in Yongsan, Seoul. The United States wants to maintain a sizeable presence, while Seoul is desirous of a downsized base. The two allies agreed to move ahead with additional negotiations until the end of this year for the relocation issue, the planned relocation of Yongsan compound by the end of 2006 is unlikely to be achieved, observers said.

    According to the Chosun Ilbo on 18 Nov,

    "On the issue of relocating Yongsan Garrison, the two parties failed to iron out differences over how much land the U.S. Army should return to Korea, and the narrower issue of moving the ROK-U.S. Combined Forces Command and United Nations Command out of Seoul.

    The two defense chiefs reaffirmed an earlier agreement between the two countries that the U.S, forces would be relocated in two regions south of the Han River through a two-phase relocation plans. They said the first-phase relocation would be carried out as early as possible, and for the second-phase plan, the chief executives of the two nations will have to decide later how to move forward. Commenting on the possibility of Washington's reducing its forces in Korea, Minister Cho said the two delegations did not discuss the issue, adding that it is premature for the two nations to begin talking about a troop cut.

    Cho, however, said the United States has agreed to turn over eight of its 10 specific missions that its forces in Korea have been conducting over to the Korean army, according to the relocation plan. The remaining two missions are to be transferred to Korea in phases, in consideration of the Korean army's capability."
    Rumsfeld "thanked" South Korea for deciding to send additional troops to Iraq and assured Seoul officials that Washington's plan to realign its military units here would not weaken South Korea's defense capability. He stated, "I thank President Roh Moo-hyun for his decision to provide reconstruction costs of $260 million by 2007 and for dispatching additional troops to Iraq. In order to ensure the smooth and timely dispatch, we will closely cooperate with Korea in sharing information and munitions plans." (NOTE: This is a back-handed slap as Japan has offered 5 billion in reconstruction aid and has already committed to sending SDF combat troops -- though it is reconsidering its decision in the face of current attacks.) In addition, Secretary Rumsfeld said in a joint press interview with the Korean Minister of Defense Cho Young-gil in response to a question raised as to whether they are accepting the 3,000-troop plan, "The issue of dispatch depends on the country's determination as an independent country, and I think there cannot be much difference in our opinions in dealing with a critical issue," and thus avoided a clear response with diplomatic jargonese.

    After weeks of divisive debate, South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun ordered the government to limit the size of more troops to Iraq to 3,000 -- and possibly to non-combatants. This is a very sticky point with the U.S. who needs combat troops who can take care of themselves to release its forces from the more secure areas of the country. Rumfield restated that the U.S. will not pull out U.S. military units from South Korea for operations in Iraq. The U.S. Department of Defense believes it is practically impossible to withdraw its troops from South Korea under the current security conditions, Radio Free Asia reported. In a recent intelligence report submitted to Congress, the Pentagon said a pullout of U.S. troops from South Korea would destabilize Northeast Asia.

    On the issue of a troop dispatch to Iraq, the Korean delegation explained to its U.S. counterpart in the meeting that the Korean government has been considering two options: either sending about 3,000 non-combat soldiers, including engineers and medics, or sending about the same number of combat troops for peacekeeping missions.

    However, there definitely is a strain in relations between the ROK and the US. On 11 Nov, Rumsfeld stated that South Korea should judge itself the details of its troop deployment to Iraq, including the type and number of troops. "We want Korea to do whatever it believes is right ... That is exactly what we would like. We do not want countries to do things they don't want to do." Rumsfeld repeated this statement at the end of the SCM. Though the U.S. wishes for a larger troop commitment of combat troops, it will live with whatever the ROK sends, but continued delays to NOT send troops will be viewed dimly after the promise received during the SCM.

    An editorial in the Chosun Ilbo on 18 Nov stated, "The joint communique of twelve items issued after the meeting emphasizes, as in previous years, the importance of the alliance. Beyond the continuity on the surface, however, there were no small number of areas that lead you to think there was something clearly different about previous years when you look at the details of the negotiations. The best example would be the rare use of the word "regret" in reference to the question of moving the U.S. installation at Yongsan. U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld expressed gratitude at Korea's decision to send additional troops to Iraq, but you hear talk of how the United States is disappointed and has expressed displeasure with the Korean government's attitude, having changed so much as if pushed around by the situation, despite what the Americans said with open diplomatic rhetoric."


    Rumsfeld Arrival: 17 Nov 03


    Anti-SCM Protest: 17 Nov 03


    Troops to shift from S. Korea The following is a news article from the Washington Times on 24 November by Richard Halloran who specializes in Asian military affairs. However, the USFK swiftly issued a rejection of this article's premise that troops were being removed from Korea.

    However, immediately following the USFK rebuttal, it was announced that President George W. Bush said on 25 Nov that the United States would relocate U.S. forces stationed abroad, in order to cope with the threat of rogue states, terrorist activities and weapons of massive destruction. According to Bush, Washington would soon begin full-fledged discussions on the relocation with its allies. Immediately some analysts stated that this might lead to as many as 15,000 troops being withdrawn from Korea.

    Troops to shift from S. Korea

    By Richard Halloran

    THE WASHINGTON TIMES

    HONOLULU — The United States will reassign some troops from South Korea to Afghanistan and Iraq and shift most of the 7,000 people in its headquarters in Seoul out of the capital beginning within a year, military officials say.

    Thought also is being given to disbanding the United Nations headquarters in South Korea and ending the practice of keeping a four-star general in command of operations in the country.

    The moves are part of a gradual disengagement of U.S. land forces from Korea and a greater reliance on sea power to maintain the American security posture in Asia.

    Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld flew through northeastern Asia last week, sprinkling clues about the future of U.S. military dispositions even as he reaffirmed U.S. treaty commitments to South Korea and Japan. Other officials filled in details.

    A primary reason for pulling back from South Korea is that the United States needs the 17,000 soldiers of the 2nd Infantry Division elsewhere. As Mr. Rumsfeld and military leaders have said repeatedly, U.S. forces are stretched thin. The U.S. Army has only 10 divisions and cannot afford to have one tied down in Korea.

    Mr. Rumsfeld told the Korean news agency, Yonhap, that the Pentagon has worked out a concept for adjusting force levels in Korea, that discussions have begun with the Korean government and that, within six months, the U.S. Congress will be informed of the plan.


    He said the 2nd Division would not be sent to Iraq or Afghanistan but that individual soldiers serving in Korea almost certainly would be assigned to those nations. The division itself will move to posts south of Seoul to be near airfields where soldiers will prepare for contingencies elsewhere in Asia. The 37,000 U.S. troops in Korea today will be cut to an undetermined number.

    Military officers said that the Pentagon will shift most of the 7,000 people in its headquarters in Seoul out of the capital, beginning within a year, and that an undisclosed number would be sent back to the United States. They said technology would permit the headquarters to operate with fewer people.

    U.S. officials are negotiating terms of the transfer; the United States has long said it would move the headquarters out of Seoul if the Korean government would pay for the transfer.

    Korean defense officials have been balking at that. In addition, they are said to fear a loss in operating ability if the U.S. headquarters were moved from its current location across the street from the South Korean Ministry of Defense.

    The desire to make other use of the 2nd Division is enhanced by South Korea's rejection of a U.S. request that it send a division of 12,000 soldiers to secure a sector in Iraq.

    Seoul will post only 3,000 troops, including the 700 already there. Most will be noncombatants, meaning the United States or another country might have to furnish forces to protect them.

    Another reason for drawing down in Korea is the anti-Americanism that has become so widespread that moving U.S. troops out of Seoul and populated areas north of the capital will ease tensions only slightly. In a discussion of South Korea and North Korea, an American officer said, only half-joking, "Sometimes I wonder which one is really our adversary."

    Moreover, President Bush and President Roh Moo-hyun of South Korea disagree on how to dissuade North Korea from acquiring nuclear weapons, despite superficial agreement on tactics. The U.S. president advocates a firm approach, while the South Korean leader would be more accommodating.

    Evidently no precise timetable has been set for the changes, but Mr. Rumsfeld suggested that they would be under way in the next five years.

    In addition to headquarters and troop movements, U.S. officials have begun to consider disbanding the United Nations headquarters, which has been there since the Korean War of 1950 to 1953.

    The Combined Forces Command, which gives the United States operational control over Korean troops, will be dissolved, ending a situation that has long irritated nationalistic Koreans.

    Finally, the position of the four-star U.S. Army general, who today commands the U.N. mission, the Combined Forces Command, and U.S. troops, most likely will be abolished in favor of a lower-ranking commander. The four-star flag might be moved to the headquarters of the U.S. Army in the Pacific in Hawaii, as many senior Army officers have advocated.


    Mr. Rumsfeld dropped clues about the changes during his flight to Guam, telling the traveling press that the Pentagon has been reviewing force deployments and "we're now at a stage where we can begin discussing [that] with our allies and with Congress."

    Aboard the Navy command ship Blue Ridge in Yokosuka, Japan, Mr. Rumsfeld pointed to an increased reliance on sea power, saying: "I think those of you who are serving in the Navy are going to see the responsibilities of the United States Navy increase generally, and increase particularly here."

    Addressing Americans in Okinawa, where most U.S. forces in Japan are posted, the defense secretary said, "We've got to continue to pull down deployments."

    He said some peacetime overseas deployments would continue but added: "Once they do that job, they ought not to be there any longer." American troops have been in Korea since the Korean War.
    The following is the rebuttal to Halloran's article by the USFK from the USFK Website on 25 Nov:

    WRITER'S OPINION MISTAKEN FOR FACT

    Seoul, Republic of Korea (USFK) Nov. 25, 2003 – An opinion piece by Honolulu-based Richard Halloran, a former New York Times foreign correspondent, is mistakenly being quoted in other publications as authoritative fact.

    The writer's own conclusions and predictions first appeared in the Korea Herald on Nov. 21, 03, titled, "The Rising East: U.S. Disengagement from Korea," and were rewritten and published in the Washington Times on Nov.24, under the title, "Troops To Shift From S. Korea; U.S. to reassign some to Iraq, Afghanistan."

    The Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs issued the following statements to correct the record:

    • There have been no discussions about US troop reductions in South Korea, nor has the U.S. made any decisions regarding troop reductions.

      (SITE NOTE: This is technically correct. There presently are no negotiations because the ROK won't discuss the matter. Any action will have to be unilateral on the U.S. part.)
    • In the Republic of Korea we are discussing, with that government, the realignment of our forces on the peninsula, in company with capabilities enhancement, but are not discussing any reductions in force levels at this time. (SITE NOTE: This is technically correct. They have been discussing this for over a year as part of the Future ROK-US Alliance Initiative that broke down, but the ROK does NOT want to discuss this at this time. In fact as late as a month ago, Prime Minister Goh stated he still felt that a "tripwire" presence was required. The ROK negotiations are like a snake that coils back upon itself...going forward an inch, but going backwards two. Any action would have to be unilateral on the part of the US.)

    • We have agreed to move U.S. forces out of the Seoul Metropolitan Area and will continue to work with our allies to ensure that forces are positioned in a way that will provide the best-possible posture in defense of South Korea.

    • Many options are being discussed as part of realignment of U.S. forces on the peninsula and these options will be discussed with the Republic of Korea as we move forward in this process. (SITE NOTE: Many options have been discussed, but the ROK has rejected, deflected, lied, bamboozled, squirmed, used violent public demonstrations, shaped public opinion to foster anti-Americanism and generally been an over-all pain-in-the-ass. The ROK's "word" on signed MOU/MOA's are worthless as demonstrated by their campaign to wiggle out of their monetary responsibilities under 1990 relocation MOU. This is a farce.)

    • Any realignment of US forces in South Korea will necessarily involve close consultations with the government of the Republic of Korea. (SITE NOTE: The USFK needs to define "close consultations" where in the latest Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) in November 2003, the ROK refused to discuss relocation matters. The annual SCM is a forum designed to "consult" on these matters. "Close consultations" with the ROK is a meaningless term at best.)

    Details beyond these statements are speculative at best.

    With regard to the assertion that troops now in Korea could be deployed, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld confirmed in a Nov 17 interview with Yonhap that there are no plans to deploy US troops or units to Iraq from Korea.
    (SITE NOTE: Technically this is correct. But the Halloran article stated that the Division will not leave, but most certainly individual soldier will. Historically, the military will simply not fill holes in the structure so that a unit can be only 75% manned, but still be considered combat capable. If a unit relies on follow-on support in a contingency, their manning could go even lower. We are also wondering -- with tongue in cheek -- if the 3d Bde (Stryker unit) of the 2d ID out of Washington State which was deployed in mid-Nov to Iraq could be "technically" considered an element of the 2d ID of Korea.)

    For more information please contact Lieutenant Commander Flex Plexico, Asia Pacific Press Officer, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense at (703) 697-1252/5131 or Fax: (703) 697-3501 or Mr. Kim Yong-Kyu or Lee Ferguson at USFK Public Affairs Office, at 7913-3113.
    USFK Commander Agrees to Extend From the USFK Website on 18 Nov: "Seoul, Republic of Korea (UNC/CFC/USFK) – Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld announced yesterday that he has asked Gen. Leon J. LaPorte to extend for another year as the commander of United Nations Command, Combined Forces Command and U.S. Forces Korea and Gen. LaPorte has agreed. It is not uncommon for a commander in this region to extend. Gen. LaPorte took over as commander May 1, 2002"

    U.S. Global Defense Plan Announced The following is from the JoongAng Ilbo on 27 Nov 2003:

    Seoul content as U.S. presents defense plan

    The Bush administration has officially announced its policy to reposition its forces around the world, including the 37,000 troops in South Korea. Officials in Seoul took the news calmly yesterday, saying the move was not a surprise.

    "Beginning today, the United States will intensify our consultations with the Congress and our friends, allies, and partners overseas on our ongoing review of our overseas force posture," U.S. President George W. Bush said in a statement released Tuesday in Washington. "We will ensure that we place the right capabilities in the most appropriate locations to best address the new security environment."

    In a follow-up briefing, a senior White House National Security Council official explained that nothing had been decided on the possible reduction or relocation of the U.S. troops on the peninsula. He said the realignment plan could take years before being fully implemented and that the security of South Korea was assured and would not be disturbed by the repositioning of U.S. forces.

    Mr. Bush and President Roh Moo-hyun had been discussing the issue since Mr. Roh's visit to Washington in May, the official said.

    Ra Jong-yil, the Blue House national security advisor, said Condoleezza Rice, his counterpart in Washington, had informed him of the statement before Mr. Bush made the announcement.

    There was no need for new talks between the two countries on the issue, Mr. Ra said.

    Defense experts, however, said they expected the number of U.S. forces in Korea to be cut eventually under the new plan. In June, Guy Arrigoni, a senior intelligence analyst at the Defense Intelligence Agency, predicted that the reshaping of the U.S. military presence here will probably involve the departure of up to 15,000 troops.

    They said reducing the number of troops and establishing stronger, more mobile units armed with advanced weapons is the U.S. strategy. Korea was not exempt from the plan, they said.

    In May, the U.S. announced it would invest more than $11 billion in its forces here for the next four years, and experts said that plan could go hand in hand with a cutback in troop strength.

    DECEMBER 2003

    U.S. Determined to Pull out of Seoul According to The Korea Herald on 5 Dec 03, a Defense Ministry official said, "Washington has already informed us of its plan to move the CFC and UNC to locations south of Seoul as the two allies failed to work out details of the relocation terms of the U.S. Yongsan Garrison over the past year." Deputy Assistant Defense Secretary Richard Lawless recently delivered to his Korean counterpart Cha Young-koo the U.S. government's decision not to leave behind the ROK-U.S. Combined Forces Command and United Nations Command in the capital when the Yongsan base pulls back to Osan and Pyeongtaek in 2006. (SITE NOTE: The year 2006 is significant as this is a change in the Seoul storyline. Seoul still wants to drag its feet on the U.S. withdrawal from Seoul -- while not giving up any land. Negotiations continue. On 15 Dec Yonhap News reported that high-level U.S. military officials reiterated that the U.S.plans to relocate its Yongsan Garrison from Seoul to Osan and Pyeongtaek by 2006.)

    Seoul offered 170,000 pyeong of the 810,000-pyeong (320 hectares) Yongsan base to be used by the UNC and CFC. One pyeong equals 3.3 square meters. On the other hand, the U.S. side reportedly sought to keep 280,000 pyeong or some 30 percent of the total Yongsan plot, to build large-scale lodging facilities, hospitals and schools to support 1,000 personnel affiliated with the CFC and UNC, as well as their family members whose number could rise as high as 6,000. Koreans offered some 17 million pyong, while Americans want more than 28 million.

    According to the Korea Times the Ministry of Defense said ``U.S. Deputy Assistant Defense Secretary Richard Lawless on Nov. 27 delivered his country’s hope for the relocation plan to Deputy Minister for Policy Cha Young-koo.’’ Washington seems to have given an ultimatum to Seoul during the negotiation to decide the size of the land that will continue to be occupied by the USFK in Yongsan.

    The U.S. said during the Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) last month it would rather move all their troops out of the capital if their space requirement cannot be met. The MND claims that no decision has been made in this area.

    On 14 Dec the Chosun Ilbo reported that the USFK reconfirmed its intention to move all of the Combined Forces Command and the United Nations Command south of Seoul. The Ministry of National Defense said that Lt. Gen. Charles C. Campbell, commander of the U.S. Eighth Army, visited the ministry and reaffirmed the U.S. Army's original stance: that the ministry must provide 280,000 pyeong of land in Seoul or the army will move to Osan and Pyeongtaek.

    The ministry said it informed Campbell that ROK government is open to partial negotiations on the size of the base, which it said Campbell declined. In consideration of public opinion, ROK government took a step back and devised a compromise proposal that would grant 200,000 of land for the USFK in Seoul.

    The original position of ROK government was to give 170,000 pyeong. USFK commander General Leon LaPorte said on December 1 in a meeting with Shin Il-soon, the Deputy Commander of the ROK-US Combined Forces Command, that the official stance of the U.S. government is to move the Combined Forces Command and the United Nations Command to Osan and Pyeongtaek by 2006.

    In response to Shin's statement that ROK government wants the Combined Forces Command and the United Nations Command to remain in Seoul, and proposed negotiations, LaPort said that there are no changes made in the decision of Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to move the Combined Forces Command and the United Nations Command to south of Seoul.

    According to the Stars and Stripes, the U.S. Congress approved an additional budget for building new facilities in Camp Humphrey, Pyeongtaek, in order to fulfill an agreement between ROK and U.S. to move the Yongsan Base to south of the Han River by 2006.

    Discussions on Troop Reduction On 4 Dec, U.S. Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith said that the US and ROK would discuss changes in the size of US Forces Korea. However, he also stated that U.S. has not yet made any decision to reduce of change the number of troops in the country. Among the wide range of topics which the U.S. and ROK discussed were rationalizing the “footprint” of the USFK and combining units.

    The important statement was that "relocating U.S. soldiers to south of Seoul would be an important part of achieving military objectives and resolving various problems with the Korean people." When the UN HQ & CFC HQ is to be moved is being up in the air. The size of the USFK is part of a global strategy to restructure the US forces with the possibility of decreasing the size of U.S. bases in South Korea, Japan, and Germany. The intent is for the US to have an equal number of armed forces stationed both at home and abroad.


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